For the Nation, For the People: 1848 and Beyond

Author's note: New here, new to the genre (well, writing it anyway) as well. Been reading some great stuff on these forums over the past few days and bounced around a few ideas in my head. This will inevitably fizzle as I have much more time than usual because of the holidays, but here goes:
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Late 1848, Austrian Empire

Josip Jelačić, Ban of the Kingdoms of Croatia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia and Commander of the Croatian Military Frontier, crosses the Drava with 30,000 men. His movement is a response to increasingly hostile actions undertaken by the revolutionary government of Hungary, led by Lájos Batthyány. Supporting the rule of Austrian emperor Ferdinand I, Jelačić hopes that ingratiating himself to the imperial cause and defeating Croatia's centuries-old enemy Hungary will be a great bargaining chip for increasing Croatia's autonomy or even Austrian acquiescence to Croatian independence.

The year has already been a tumultuous one throughout the nations of Europe. Beginning most evidently in France, a revolutionary wave, inspired by weariness for Europe's absolutist, monarchical system, social and economic upheaval brought about by rapid technological and demographic change, and an increased desire for various populist, liberal movements, sweeps the continent and leaves chaos in its wake. In France, King Louis-Philippe, a scion of the noble class and an increasingly unpopular figure, is forced from power and a new French Republic is proclaimed, following mass uprising. In the German states, King Frederick William IV of Prussia is caught off-guard by the forcefulness of protests in his country, and a bloody riot in Berlin results in the creation of a National Assembly with his reluctant assent. Other monarchs are petitioned for governmental reforms or even forced to abdicate their thrones.

Austria, too, faces revolutionary forces in the aftermath of riots in Vienna in March that had forced the dismissal of Klemens von Metternich, architect of the diplomatic settlement that ended the Napoleonic era and Austria's rise to its current prominence. Still facing pressure from liberals, Ferdinand flees Vienna for a brief period during the spring and summer months, issuing concessions from the relative safety of Innsbruck. By his return in August, Vienna is still in the throes of discontent and the public uproar continues.

At the same time, Austrian control over Hungary wanes as nationalists seize the opportunity to advance the status and autonomy of the Hungarian state. A package of laws passed by a solidly nationalist Diet in Pressburg gives most important governmental functions over to itself, as well as promising to increase Hungarian control over minority populations in Transylvania and Croatia-Slavonia. Austria can do little but sever ties with this new, hostile government and make overtures to agitators in Croatia and even in Serbia.

Thus Jelačić issues a decree promising he has no intentions of pushing for Croatian sovereignty, and instead denounces the separatism of the new Hungarian government. Returning from failed negotiations in Vienna, Jelačić decides the time is ripe for intervention on the side of the imperial government. Conflicting orders and missives from imperial representatives leave Jelačić unsure of his position, but, expecting Vienna will support his actions on Austria's behalf, decides to move against Hungary anyway.

Once his army is on Hungarian soil, another decree is issued in which Jelačić claims to represent Ferdinand's government, but this receives no official backing. The upstart army of the revolutionary government, fearing nevertheless that Jelačić could easily be reinforced by more troops from Austria, avoids a direct confrontation and retreats in the direction of Buda with the Ban's army in pursuit. Adding to the confusion is the fact that the commander of imperial forces in Hungary is nominally Stephen, Palatine of Hungary and an Austrian Archduke, who orders Jelačić to disband and return home. By the end of August, though, Stephen resigns his post and returns to Ferdinand's court.

Hungarian attempts to stay a battle go ignored by Jelačić, while the politicians Batthyány and Kossuth rally additional thousands of soldiers to the revolutionary army. By the morning of September 28th, Jelačić finally commits to battle at Pákozd in the vicinity of Székesfehérvár, but a confused plan of attack and Hungarian resilience prove to be too much for a victory. Jelačić, now unsure of the strength of the opposing army and still waiting for official orders from Vienna, begins a retreat towards the Austrian border as the Hungarians regroup to plan their next move.

By October 6th, Austrian Minister of War Count Baillet de Latour had assembled troops from the garrison of Vienna to reinforce the Ban's army for a renewed thrust into Hungary. However, he had miscalculated the Viennese mood and diverted too many soldiers from an already depleted an exhausted force. Combined with propaganda from Batthyány, a crowd sympathetic to the Hungarian causes prevents the troops from leaving the city and incites yet another riot, leaving the city in chaos as battles are fought in the streets. The Count is lynched by the angry mob, the remainder of the city's garrison is ejected, and Ferdinand is forced to flee once more from the capital; this time court is moved to Olmütz in Moravia. Word is finally sent to Jelačić to join up with the remainder of the Austrian army under Alfred, Prince of Windisch-Grätz to reclaim the capital and restore order.

Jelačić, jaded by the lack of official support and reinforcements during his brief campaign in Hungary, rethinks his earlier stance of unconditional support for Ferdinand. Now, with the separatist Hungarians seeming to be in a position of strength and imperial court engulfed in chaos, Jelačić realizes he has chance to push the Croatian agenda to the forefront of Austrian affairs. Seizing his opportunity, he issues an ultimatum to Ferdinand: the Ban's army will come to the emperor's aid only if he will recognize Croatian independence. He emphasizes that Austria can remain a firm ally of the Croatian people, but that centuries of foreign rule must end and the realms of the Croatia allowed to operate independently of Vienna. With such support, he will happily sign an alliance with Austria to fight their mutual Hungarian enemy.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Author's Note: Most of this section is simply build-up and context, the POD occurs right at the end. IOTL, Jelačić makes no such demands and moves to aid the Austrian army in retaking Vienna. ITTL, the Ban's defeat at Pákozd more strongly influences both the Hungarian and the Ban's own position. He pushed so strongly for a movement against Hungary, and instead of being met with praise from Austria gets nothing. His rationale moving forward is to ensure that he and his country will get something out of their support in the future, and he seizes at the chance to get back at both Hungary and Austria in staking his own claim.

Comments are appreciated and most welcome.
 
Last edited:
Har to believe that the ban would issue an ultimatum to the emperor, even harder to believe that the imperial government would signal acceptance.

IOTL the ban went to Linz to offer his services to the empire, and even then it was touch and go: the offer was almost refused.

However if one has to look for a sure way to make the Hungarians stop dithering the request for Croatian independence would be it
 
Author's Note: The end of the previous section has been amended; I have moved the final paragraph here so that the change will be clear. Upon further thought, I realized that Austrian acceptance of the Ban's proclamation is less important (and less plausible) for now than the fact that the ultimatum itself was issued in the first place. Thus what follows happens without either side knowing if the ultimatum has been accepted or not, because with the government out of the capital and in disarray, a quick answer is less likely.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Late 1848, Austrian Empire (continued)

Opinion at court is torn over the ultimatum. Minister-President Johann von Wessenberg-Ampringen, the fifth man to hold such a title in six months, rules in the name of the disabled emperor, but he is no von Metternich and seems unequipped to deal with the role that has been pushed upon him. Windisch-Grätz, who had shown his firm opposition to revolutionary forces by putting down a June revolt in Bohemia, is a capable general and could probably succeed in retaking Vienna without the support of the Ban's army. However, a government in chaos and an army depleted and wary after forcing down revolt after revolt throughout the year would seem to indicate that a quick victory in Vienna is far from a given. With the support of the Ban, attention could be more quickly returned to the uprising in Hungary and reduce the costs for the government and the army in moving on Vienna. At the same time, agreeing to Jelačić's demands could set a dangerous precedent for other minority nationalities in the empire, including the Hungarian revolutionaries at the heart of the mess. In the end, the hands of the government appear tied.

When news of Jelačić's offer reaches the revolutionaries in Hungary, they are understandably concerned. If Austria accepts, the Ban's army will take on Austrian reinforcements and return to Hungary, and the endgame of the following conflict would see a victorious Austria dislodge Croatia from Hungary's jurisdiction. If he refuses, Jelačić would turn for home and rally Croatian forces to his banner while Austrian forces, though probably bogged down for a time with the Viennese problem, would eventually be ready to face down Hungary once again, leaving the revolutionaries with a two-front war.

In many ways, then, the aggressive action of Jelačić to push for great concessions to Croatia galvanizes his Hungarian opponents to do the same. Whereas Kossuth and more right-leaning leaders had not seen any benefit to reinforcing the revolt in Vienna, now Hungary risks facing both reprisal from Austria and seeing an Austrian-supported Croatia achieve independence. If Jelačić is going to push his luck, so to speak, so too then must the Hungarians. The battle must be taken to Vienna.

Jelačić's army stops briefly in the town of Moson on the road to Vienna, before continuing the march northwest towards Bruck an der Leitha at the Austrian border. The Hungarian army is close on his heels, and now willing to push for a fight, moves to attack Jelačić before he can reach the border. They also know that the displaced garrison from Vienna is just over 30 km further, and waiting any longer to attack could put them at a disadvantage. On the morning of October 11th, battle is met just inside the Hungarian border, between Bruck and the small village of Parndorf 7 km to the southeast. Lieutenant General János Móga, victor at the Battle of Pákozd, leads the Hungarians against Jelačić and scattered Austrian reinforcements in the area. Windisch-Grätz and the main Austrian army have still not yet reached Vienna.

Following an artillery bombardment, the Hungarian right advances west parallel to the Leitha river while the left flank rolls north along the edge of the Pirscherwald. The center under Artúr Görgei holds back slightly, hoping to funnel Jelačić into the center so that his flanks can outmaneuver. The plan seems to work, as Jelačić pours most of his strength into the Hungarian center. However, the center is where the most inexperienced soldiers have been placed, and at first it appears as though Jelačić is on the verge of punching through.

As the line falters, Richard Guyon, leading the right, pushes his men into the thick of battle, hoping to pound the center from the flank. Combined with steady artillery pressure on the center, it works. Guyon from the right and Colonel Mihály Répásy's men from the left beat back the Ban's army from the center and force a general retreat. Exploiting their advantage, the Hungarians push forward towards the river crossing at Bruck, and Jelačić must withdraw. The Hungarians now have a clear road to the Austrian capital, as Jelačić, defeated and tactically outmaneuvered, pulls back towards Vienna's southwest.

Count Auersperg, commander of the Viennese garrison, warily prepares his beleaguered men for a fight outside the city, with Windisch-Grätz's reinforcements still at least a week or more from arriving from the north.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Author's Note: The Battle of Bruck an der Leitha, as it will come to be known, is based loosely (i.e., for personnel basically) on the OTL Battle of Schwechat which took place on October 30th. Hungarian troops decided not to pursue Jelačić into Austria until Kossuth changed his mind between the 18th and the 21st, by which time Windisch-Grätz's army was already preparing to crush the Viennese rebellion. The reinforcements were strong enough to beat back the Hungarians and they retreated back into Hungary, while Windisch-Grätz consolidated his hold on Vienna before regrouping and starting a winter campaign towards Buda.
 
Last edited:
Late 1848, Austrian Empire (continued)

In Vienna, Cesar Wensel Messenhauser, a poet, is placed in command of the national guard while an exiled Pole, Józef Bem, heads the military operations. As the hastily formed government attempts to reassure citizens that their uprising can survive, Bem awaits the approach of the Hungarian army. With Auersperg entrenched outside the city and Wendisch-Grätz quickly approaching, only decisive action will save Vienna's nascent revolutionary government from collapse.

Further north, when news reaches Olmütz of Jelačić's defeat, already wary of the effects of giving in to nationalist sentiments, Austrian officials lose confidence in Jelačić's ability to sway the fight in favor of the Austrians. The first defeat they could forgive, but with another tactical defeat he has left the capital open to reinforcement by the Hungarian army. At the same time, they recognize that applying pressure from the south could help stave off a disaster in attempting to retake Vienna. Now the political elite's reaction to Jelačić is much more mixed, especially as reactionary Felix zu Schwarzenberg, brother-in-law of Windisch-Grätz, makes a grab for power in the office of Minister-President by seeking the removal of von Wessenberg-Ampringen. His inclination is to deny Jelačić's ultimatum and leave the fight for Vienna in the hands of his brother-in-law, in whom he has many fewer doubts. Still unable to speak on the emperor's behalf, Schwarzenberg's grab nevertheless alters the discourse at court, and thus still no reply is made to Jelačić.

Meanwhile, the Hungarian army is under new leadership. Móga, now twice victorious over Jelačić, is nevertheless replaced by Görgei, hero of Bruck an der Leitha, whose courage in battle will hopefully motivate his forces further in the battle to come. Kossuth, realizing that Hungary's future now lies with the fight in Vienna, joins the army as it follows the Danube towards the city from the southeast. Batthyány, seeing his revolutionary army victorious at Pákozd, continues to garner more recruits in Transdanubia pushes other members of the Hungarian Diet to do the same in their own districts.

Auersperg's force, while better trained and more disciplined than both the Viennese and Hungarian revolutionaries, is outnumbered and would be better off with the assistance of Wendisch-Grätz and the regular army. Though initially braced for a fight, the Count decides better of it and moves the bulk of his forces to the city's west side, around the suburb of Hernals, after skirmishes around the southeastern suburb of Simmering bring the Hungarian's directly to Vienna's doorstep. They enter the city on October 15th; the next day, the government in Olmütz declares war on Vienna. Defenders of the city race to man the walls and position the Hungarian cannon before the regular army arrives.

On the advice of his councilors, not including the hard-liner Schwarzenberg, Ferdinand issues a second, more conciliatory proclamation promising concessions to the city's government on October 19th, but with Wendisch-Grätz's army now visible from the city walls, the Viennese government largely ignores Ferdinand's overtures. They focus instead on push more citizens to join them in the defense of the city; though by some estimates 100,000 people took part in the demonstrations on October 6th, now only perhaps 30,000 to 40,000 were willing to fight on the city's behalf. The Hungarians add another 25,000 men to their ranks, bringing the total force to a respectable 60,000. However these men, especially the Viennese, are students, laborers, and even petit bourgeoisie; a hardened a trained fighting force they are not. But they have the advantage of controlling the city and its walls, and if they can hold, they will bleed the imperial army.
 
Last edited:
October 22nd, 1848, Vienna

From his headquarters at Stammersdorf to the city's northeast, Windisch-Grätz commits his forces to an attack via the north: troops cross the Danube near the villages of Döbling, then filter south through the vicinity of Währing. Much of the Austrian artillery is placed along the road through Brigittenau, facing the walls and hastily erected barricades to the south. There, across a channel of the Danube from the inner city, fighting will fierce, as well as along the northernmost lines of the city's outer wall: the Nusdorfer, Währinger, and Hernalser.

Artillery bombardment begins just before sun-up; the bulk of the first fighting does not commence until midday. The battles are light as the army probes at the city defenses and looks for vulnerable areas, committing few troops and little materiel. As more of the regular army cross the Danube and moves south into battle, Auersperg moves his garrison south from Hernals, so that by the end of the day he occupies the western road into the city, positioned between the walls and Schönbrunn palace.

The first day is, as expected, by and large inconclusive. The forces within the city hold their own and do not commit to any major engagements, but can do little as the line of battles stretches to encompass all along the city's western flank and much of its northern too. The walls, while by no means assuring victory, have nevertheless stood up enough to a pounding from cannon-fire and have proven to be enough of a deterrent that the army will not simply be able to march into the city. The mood inside is tense and the citizenry is on edge; the near constant boom of cannons is jarring, and some wonder aloud if the city is in danger of fire or even looting should the regulars successfully retake it, especially in the working-class areas outside the inner city.

Kossuth, concerned about his Hungarians being cut off should the fight go badly, sends messages to Batthyány before the southern road out of Vienna is blocked, telling him to funnel recruits and men towards the Austrian border in case the army needs to fight its way back into Hungary.
 
Last edited:
October 25, 1848, Vienna

By the end of the fourth day, the Viennese are still holding on, if only thanks to the support of the Hungarians. The city is now surrounded almost completely; the lines south of Brigittenau and Augarten could not hold in the face of Austrian cannon, and Windisch-Grätz has opted to start moving some of his force back across the channel to push down south and occupy the land opposite the inner city to the east.

The Gloggnitzer and Raaber train stations, just outside the Belvedere gate in the southern section of the wall, had been occupied on the third day, after the Viennese had refused to use Hungarian cannon in the area out of concern for those buildings, which had been completed only two years before. Nevertheless, fighting in that area, one of the few where the army was positioned right against the walls, had been heavy.

Messenhauser, the poet turned militia leader, had accounted bravely of himself, leading his National Guardsmen in defense of the vulnerable Nusdorfer line throughout the past two days. Even Robert Blum, representative of the all-German Frankfurt parliament to the Viennese revolutionaries, had taken up arms to defend the city. The defenders are not short of revolutionary spirit, to be sure, though shortages of more practical supplies like food and water are already beginning. Though the Hungarians are providing vital military support to the city, they are also a huge drain on its limited resources.

For Windisch-Grätz, the obstacles that the city has presented him with are little more than annoyances. Another unit of troops is within a day's march via Krems up the river, and he is informed that troops are being diverted from Italy to deal with the city and then to crush the Hungarians. He has also told Jelačić to go home; there is a level of distrust for the uppity Croatian ban, and even if he is loyal to the emperor, his lingering presence near Vienna is unproductive at best and disconcerting at worst. He had also received positive news from court: his brother-in-law Schwarzenberg is now Minister-President after successfully pushing out his reluctant predecessor.

When the additional men arrive from Krems, he will force the revolutionaries' hand with a pitched assault. They have accounted admirably of themselves so far, but the city cannot hold forever.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Author's note: Schwarzenberg iOTL became Minister-President on November 2, as the siege of Vienna was coming to its final stages (as iTTL). Robert Blum did indeed also fight with the revolutionaries iOTL; he was executed for his actions after the city fell despite his immunity, causing a minor scandal in the German Confederation.
 
November, 1848, Austrian Empire

As November arrives, Windisch-Grätz enters Vienna victorious. His presure on the northern sections of the city's defenses proves to be too much for the revolutionaries; the Nusdorfer line is now little more than a ruin. An additional push from the vicinity of Schönbrunn in the southwest had overcome the city's defenses there as well, which had opened multiple fronts for the final battle. Reprisals are swift and harsh; many who attempted to collaborate with the leaders are arrested and moved outside of the city after surrender; they are destined for imprisonment. Martial law is enacted and a curfew enforced as imperial soldiers go house to house searching for conspirators. In the outlying areas closest to the fighting, many homes are damaged and families displaced; for now they can only hope their neighbors can provide for them.

As for the main leaders of the opposition, Windisch-Grätz comes up frustratingly empty-handed. Messenhauser was killed in one of the final assaults, but soldiers do at least manage to capture the Polish exile Bém, who is no doubt headed for execution. The whereabouts of Robert Blum and others from the Frankfurt delegation are unknown, though it is presumed he managed to escape the city. Several thousands of Hungarians surrender or are captured, but Kossuth, along with at least half of his force, had began evacuating across the Danube to the east as it became more and more clear their defense was untenable. Their not-unmolested retreat follows the northern bank of the river east in the direction of Pressburg, where Batthyány is said to be massing Honvéd regiments.

With the remnants of a rebellious army (and city) to sort out and winter quickly approaching, Windisch-Grätz focuses on consolidating his forces in Vienna and gathering supplies for a calculated and deliberate campaign into Hungary. For now, it seems, Kossuth and his revolutionaries will live to fight another day. They had gambled in committing their cause to Vienna's, but now they have proven themselves to be a competent fighting force and have brought their revolution to the very center of an empire that so expressly protects the ancient system they abhor.

The emperor and his court return to the capital from Olmütz, with new Minister-President Schwarzenberg now firmly in control around Ferdinand. His reactionism and the boldness of the Hungarians have left him aching to order his brother-in-law to give chase to Kossuth's army and pursue them straight back to Buda, but their miscalculation to support Vienna now presents Austria with a unique opportunity to divide and conquer. He encourages the emperor now to dispatch his written support to ethnic minority fighters across Hungary: to the Croats, the Serbs, the Romanians, and the Transylvanian Saxons, encouraging them to resist any Hungarian attempts to consolidate control and promising new levels of autonomy and concessions in return.

To Jelačić especially, the message is clear that Austria will sanction military action on its behalf in exchange for concessions. Finally, the Ban has the support he has been asking for. He is concerned that the emperor has made no mention of independence, only autonomy, but has a bold idea that he hopes will truly force the emperor's hand to agree to full independence. Crossing back into Hungary southeast of Neustadt, he splits his army and dispatches his lieutenant Kuzman Todorović, in command of the more inexperienced troops, to cut south across eastern Hungary to defend the Croatian border, occupying towns along the way if necessary and preventing partisans from joining the armies Batthyány is gathering in the north. With his veterans he plans to suprise both the Austrians and the Hungarians by reaching the capital first, and holding it against both if necessary to make his case.

For the Romanians, quasi-support for their resistance to Hungary is a huge boon, especially as their leaders had already been drafting a plea to the emperor for support. The noble (and therefore Hungarian)-dominated Transylvanian Diet had voted in favor of preserving the union with Hungary upon the declaration of independence, much to the protest of the Saxon and Romanian populations. Violence followed, as Hungarian nobles struggled to keep control of the largely Romanian serf population. Until events in Vienna, Austria by and large had turned a blind eye to the matter, fearing that Hungarian nationalism would simply be replaced by similar Romanian sentiments in the region. Now, however, Austria can exploit the tension to disrupt the larger, closer enemy Hungary and deal with the others later. The Romanians and the Transylvanian Saxons, though in pursuit of different interests, maintain an uneasy alliance for the purpose of mutual defense, and begin to carry out raids against estates belonging to Hungarian nobles across the region.

In southern Hungary, especially along the military frontier known as the Banat, Serbs too are heartened by the missives from court. In May, a Serb assembly at Sremski Karlovci had asserted demands for an independent Vojvodina, going as far as creating a constitution and selecting a voivod, Stevan Šupljikać. As in Transylvania, Austria had done little to intervene and in fact had tacitly supported the Hungarians. The Serbs, already in control of a slice of territory south and east of the Danube, can now push north and expel Hungarians from their proclaimed borders, as well as applying greater pressure on the remaining Hungarian-occupied towns along the river. Aided by partisans from the neighboring principality of Serbia, Šupljikać, a firm believer in pan-Slavism like many of his fellow Serbs, hopes that his brother-in-arms Ban Jelačić will agree to open a united southern front against Hungary.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Author's Note: iOTL, the real 'battle' for Vienna lasted about 4 days; iTTL it drags on for about a week and a half. Messenhauser was captured and shot for his role in the uprising, as was Blum. Bém escaped and traveled to Pressburg where he offered his services to the Hungarians; he would later be placed in charge of forces in Transylvania and win a series of key victories there, before an eventual defeat saw him flee again, this time to the Ottoman Empire.

Many of the details offered about ethnic minority resistance in Hungary are more or less as iOTL, though Jelačić had already split off his detachment to defend the border before marching towards Vienna after Pákozd. His main force would march with Windisch-Grätz's army on the campaign into Hungary in Dec '48-Jan '49.

I also apologize to readers if my descriptions of Vienna and its environs were too precise; I have a special affinity for the city and enjoyed being able to mention a few specific areas, though I imagine for the average reader these details would not be so important. For those who are interested in seeing the city as it (approximately) looked during this time, a 1790's map here shows the course of the city's outer walls and its surrounding villages. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bd/Josephinische_Landesaufnahme_Wien.jpeg

Again, comments and questions are encouraged!
 
Last edited:
Interesting. So will Schwarzenberg end up consenting to an independent Croatia after all? What about the other separatist movements in Hungary?

And Ferdinand is scheduled to leave the throne soon...will there be no major deviations from OTL regarding his succession?
 
November/December, 1848

In Austria

Imperial reprisals against the Viennese have come to an end. The city has returned to peace, and the bulk of Windisch-Grätz's army has left, moving east towards the Hungarian border on a late season campaign. Their orders come from Schwarzenberg on behalf of the new emperor, Franz Joseph. As court had been settling back into Vienna, Schwarzenberg and his allies convinced Ferdinand to step aside in this difficult time. Now more than ever, they argued, Austria needs a strong and capable emperor to continue the tradition of Habsburg supremacy. Ferdinand agrees and abdicates on behalf of his nephew, returning to his beloved Czech lands after the coronation.

The new emperor his 18; he is fresh-faced and still impressionable, but having served admirably during the Italian campaigns earlier in the year, is very engaged in the pressing military matters. No doubt Schwarzenberg hopes to mold him into a properly conservative emperor, and Franz Joseph's respect for discipline and responsibility would indicate he is already thinking in such a mindset. A muted and somewhat solemn coronation ceremony is held on November 12th; afterwards the young emperor swiftly names Schwarzenberg his prime minister. After a series of meetings with his counselors and generals, Windisch-Grätz is dispatched to make the final preparations for a campaign into Hungary, and to begin his march by the end of the month.

In Hungary

Kossuth's men reach Pressburg days before they hear from Vienna that Ferdinand has abdicated, but already he and Görgei are planning the next moves. Though Pressburg is well-positioned along the Danube to draw the attention of any Austrian advance, both men agree that another gamble so far from Buda would be unwise; as soon as word arrives that Windisch-Grätz has left Vienna, Kossuth leaves Görgei in charge of a tactical retreat towards Komárom, a strategic fortress downriver west of Buda, while also dispatching a small force under Guyon to instead proceed north into the Slovak lands and hold the northern border against incursions by Austrian forces through the mountains from Galicia and Silesia.

Kossuth himself hurries back to the capital to organize his National Defense Committee for rule, which Batthyány has left in power by resigning as Prime Minister. Arguing sagely that Hungary now faces a terrible crisis, Batthyány believes Kossuth is better equipped to run the country and joins up with several volunteer Honvéd units he helps to raise south of Buda to support the Hungarian army currently located near the Croatian border. That army is led by General Mór Perczel, who after defeating the Croatian reserves in the aftermath of Pákozd had pursued them south back towards the Drava. Now Perczel turns west upon learning an Austrian army out of Styria is only a few days from Nagykanizsa, and that another Croatian force is in the vicinity as well. Ferenc Ottinger, who had also held a command at Pákozd, is sent out with a vanguard ahead of Perczel's main force to hold the town if necessary until the main force arrives; either way, the headstrong Perczel wishes to engage directly with both forces if necessary.

Meanwhile, the veteran Croatian forces of the Ban march east towards Buda, and by December have almost completely retraced their steps and returned to the area near Székesfehérvár; they are well-poised to strike at Buda well before Windisch-Grätz's slower march will reach the city, and likely easily could mount an assault before Görgei's army could reach them as well. Todorović's relief force nears Lake Balaton, intending to swing south and east towards Osijek in Slavonia. The Styrian army, under the command of a veteran of the Italian campaign Laval Nugent, marches to Nagykanizsa towards their ultimate goal of Pécs in the far south. Neither army is yet aware of the other, though they are separated by less than 50km.

In Prussia

The boldness of the revolutionaries in Vienna to seize the imperial capital inspires Prussian radicals to launch demonstrations of their own in Berlin. The recently-formed Prussian National Assembly had already passed a motion of solidarity with Vienna and petitioned for military support to the city, much to the dismay of embattled King Frederick William IV. A demonstration in the Gendarmenmarkt had turned deadly on October 24th when the shooting of a protester sparked a full-scale riot, injuring dozens of civilians and soldiers alike and further contributing to the difficulties of the king. Despite the objections of its leader Otto Rimpler, the Berlin militia is mobilized in the subsequent days, while the Interior Ministry clamors to call troops in to pacify the streets. As General Windisch-Grätz delivers the final blow to revolutionaries in Vienna, Prussian soldiers mass outside Berlin, as yet another German capital verges on open rebellion. Urgent meetings between radical parliamentarians and government minister degenerate into shouting matches and fisticuffs.

The man in charge of the Prussian troops, Friedrich von Wrangel, had been recalled from Schleswig-Holstein after serving as the commander of all German Confederation troops in the region until the ceasefire signed in August. Though many of the men sent to fight on behalf of the German populations against their Danish rulers had been Prussian, Wrangel still answered to the Frankfurt Parliament as the representative of the now-defunct German Confederation, which meant that when Frederick William had ordered him to agree to an initial ceasefire when Frankfurt did not, he sided with Frankfurt over his king. Mistaken by many radicals as a liberal sympathizer for this action, Wrangel is at heart a military man who follows orders, and does not so thoroughly agree with radical policies.

Wrangel, on behalf of the Prussian Interior Minister and the King, issues a series of threats against the militia promising retribution for violence, hoping it will convince them to stand down. Rimpler, not keen for a fight to break out, manages to keep his men in line for over a week as tensions approach a boiling point. The king, convinced by his ministers that the radicals might make an attempt on his life, is urged to leave the capital; he does so in secret on November 9th but nevertheless within a few days the word gets out the the king has left the city. The Frankfurt delegate Blum reappears at the National Assembly and gives a passionate speech encouraging the radicals to take action; though the result in Vienna was unfortunate, yet another armed struggle right on the doorstep of the old order will increase the power and reach of liberals across the German states.

It is enough to spark the fire. Almost overnight, a silent coup is initiated against Rimpler, who has been the only man standing in the way of an all-out fight. Blum and the radicals order the militia to demand surrender from any troops left in the city at gunpoint and to march on the royal residence at Charlottenburg. Misinformed about Wrangel, they believe thus far he has been merely a pawn of the king and will turn to their side once they show they are a legitimate force. Wrangel will do no such thing, and orders troops into the city to battle the militia.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Author's Note: Lots to remark on here. As Halagaz hinted, Franz Joseph iOTL ascended to the throne on December 2, so iTTL he is about 3 weeks early. Batthyány did vacate the prime minister office (though earlier iOTL) and go to fight in the south, though he fell off his horse and broke his arm not long after and returned to political office by January.

Perczel, Nugent, and Todorović were all active in southwest Hungary in late '48-'49, though not all in the same area like indicated iTTL. Ottinger, a Hungarian who had served as a colonel in the Austrian army, iOTL defected to Jelačić after his victory at Pákozd and led Austrian troops in an offensive against Szolnok in Spring '49.

As mentioned before, Blum did not escape Vienna and was executed. Much of the buildup in Berlin is as iOTL, albeit on a slightly different timetable that matches my version of events in Vienna. Rimpler iOTL was not forced out and managed to keep Berlin from ever turning into a Vienna, which doomed the revolutionaries there and allowed Frederick William to push back hard against liberals and impose his own constitution in early December.
 
Last edited:
Author's note: Time to jump back in time slightly to throw another monkey wrench into the Austrian situation.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Late 1848, Northern Italy

Austrian power in northern Italy has also been challenged in the course of this revolutionary year. After an uprising in Milan in March, King Charles Albert of the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia had declared war on Austria and interceded on the Lombards' behalf. Very quickly, Piedmontese forces had occupied Lombardy and parts of Venetia while encouraging partisans and official support from across the Italian realms to join the cause.

Charles Albert, not at heart in agreement with the radical republicans in the revolutionary movements in Italy, nevertheless saw the chance to exploit strong nationalism to expand his own territory and to reduce Austrian hegemony in Italy. The king's cause was marred by his own initial successes against the Austrian army; realizing that Piedmont-Sardinia, if successful against Austria, could then turn its attention to the rest of the Italian states, the King of Naples had pulled back both men and ships from the fight, while the Papal States had declared neutrality in the matter.

In Venice, an uprising inspired by the Milanese in that same month had occupied the city's old arsenal and proclaimed a new Venetian republic. Within a few weeks, radicals had rallied around the hero of the raid, Daniele Manin, and proclaimed him president with emergency powers; the Austrians withdrew and Manin began the difficult process of attempting to consolidate a wide variety of political interests. Consumed by his concern for personal power and for the safety of the city, Manin opts not to send reinforcements to the Piedmontese forces.

Thus Field Marshal Joseph Radetzky, initially forced to retreat to the strong Austrian-held fortresses near the city of Verona, rode out the waves of Piedmontese attacks that had begun to falter as summer approached. Bolstered by reinforcements from Styria under Laval Nugent, the Austrians had taken to a counteroffensive to win key victories at Vincenza (June 10) and, more importantly, at Custozza (July 25). That defeat had driven the Piedmontese forces from Lombardy, and Milan was reoccupied on August 6th. On the 9th of that month, Charles Albert agreed to a 7-month ceasefire that expelled his troops from Lombardy, leaving all but the rebellious Venetians under Austrian control. Too late, the Venetians had finally decided to join their forces with those of Charles Albert's, but upon hearing of his agreement for a ceasefire, had rescinded their offer and resolved to go it alone in their struggle.

As the revolutionary sentiments in Hungary grow stronger and the eastern flank of the empire appears more and more vulnerable, troops are diverted from Italy where peace, however uneasy, at least for the time being reigned. Venice is nominally under siege but Radetzky, under orders from Vienna, is focused on keeping the peace and pacifying what he considers the more volatile areas of Lombardy. Nugent and a detachment of troops returns to Styria in early October; by the time word reaches Radetzky that the capital is in open rebellion and in the path of a Hungarian army, even more troops are taken from his army to be brought to the new front lines.

In Venice, news of the uprising in Vienna is taken as a sign that the revolutionary cause is a worthy one; Menin and his cadre waste no time in preparing a strike that will galvanize further support for both cities. The Venetian assembly passes a motion for Italians of all nations to support revolutionary movements and join up with partisan legions forming throughout northern Italy; the legislation is a lightning rod of contention for both rulers and citizens alike as it spreads south to Rome and Naples. In the city, the revolutionaries find themselves flooded with additional support from the citizenry, who unlike in Vienna are already inclined to side with the radicals based on widespread dislike and distrust of Austrian dominance.

Under the partisan general Guglielmo Pepe, a Neopolitan who had resigned his official commission when Naples withdrew its support for the war and ordered him home, a daring raid is carried out against the Austrian fortification in Mestre, across the lagoon from the city proper. Buoyed by their recent influx of men, about 4,000 partisans storm Austrian barricades and occupied houses from the neighboring area of Marghera, supported by artillery placed in boats along the canals. Despite the entrenched position and superior training of the veteran Austrian troops, Pepe and his lieutenants spur their volunteers to a hard-fought but decisive victor, killing or capturing almost a quarter of the Austrian garrison. 400 on the revolutionary side killed or wounded is a high price to pay, but is made worth it when the revolutionaries pursue the Austrians almost 40km beyond the city to Padua, where the defeated troops finally manage to regroup and with the help of reinforcements push the Venetians back to the coast.

Nevertheless, the confidence of the Austrians is deeply shaken by the defeat, while the Venetians are jubilant. They have managed to beat back a superior force and have taken stores of Austrian gunpowder, weapons, and supplies in the process. The heroes of the battle are honored and fallen solemnly buried, and as word spreads across Venetia of the success of the partisans, the spirit of rebellion which had been quelled by Radetzky's forces is renewed: Padua, Treviso, and Vicenza, among other towns, are beset with Pepe-inspired insurrections and raids. Radetzky, now facing active rebellion across the province yet again, with fewer, more demoralized troops must now attempt to reassert control. Understandably frustrated, Radetzky recalls his forces from Venice to deal with the Terraferma; the siege is lifted by mid-October.

Meanwhile in Torino, a Piedmontese parliament with visiting delegations from across Italy begins to meet on October 12th in accordance with the Statuto constitution of Charles Albert. Venice had been offered a place at the table, but Manin, plagued by internal struggles and wary of the Piedmontese after their signing of the ceasefire with Austria, had declined to send a delegation. When the assembly learns of the notable Venetian victory, many radical delegates urge their president Vincenzo Gioberti, to petition the king to end the ceasefire and renew the fight with Austria.

Giuseppe Garibaldi, a revolutionary whose volunteers had offered their services to Charles Albert and then to the Milanese in Lombardy, had fled into Switzerland after the Austrian victory at Custozza. With him is Giuseppe Mazzini, another noted Italian revolutionary and nationalist. When they hear of the Venetian victory, Mazzini urges Garibaldi to head for Venice and take up the revolutionary cause once more. Garibaldi is hesitant after seeing the failure of the Milanese struggle, but cannot deny that the Venetian position is made much stronger by their success. His force is quite small, but he hopes to gather more men as he discreetly makes his way across Lombardy, a tall task as Lombard sentiments for a fight are low and Austrian wariness is high in the wake of Radetzky's recent pacification.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Author's Note: As in previous installments, most of the background information is before the PoD and therefore as iOTL. I am not sure if more troops were detached from Italy after Nugent left iOTL, though my guess would be no. As the situation iTTL is seen as more dire, more troops makes sense.

The raid on Mestre is based on iOTL, a little bit earlier to match with iTTL Vienna and a little bit larger to make a bigger impression on the various other forces involved, including the Torino parliament and Austrian troops in Venetia. iOTL Manin's inability to overcome distrust of the city among Terrafermians was one of the biggest problems for Venice, here a bigger victory actually overrides their reluctance and prompts rebellion anew.

iOTL Garibaldi and Mazzini both went to Switzerland, though they didn't leave until later, and they didn't go to Venice. More on that to come...
 
Last edited:
November/December 1848 (continued)

In Hungary

Before Perczel's Hungarian army can reach Nagykanizsa to deal with the oncoming army from Styria, the general receives orders to return north and make contact with Görgei; Kossuth has determined that preserving the capital is of paramount importance and that the southern region cannot be held, especially if more Croatians are provoked into fighting by Hungarian movements south of the Drava. Perczel is understandably frustrated that he cannot directly deal with the threat he believes lies before him. However, thanks to the the additional volunteers brought by Batthyány, his force now numbers over 10,000 men, and he decides he has enough strength to leave a detachment behind under Ottinger to harass the Austrian army. At Kaposvár, Ottinger continues west onto Nagykanizsa while Perczel takes over half the force north towards Buda.

Less than a day's march north of Kaposvár, Perczel is surprised to encounter the forces of Todorović making their way southeast near the village of Mernye; the aggressive general immediately orders an attack without knowing the strength of his enemy, but his boldness pays off as his 6,000 men make quick work of the more inexperienced Croatian volunteers, inflicting several hundred casualties and taking dozens of prisoners while pushing north towards Lake Balaton. Todorović and his much-depleted force escape and withdraw to the west while Perczel continues the march north. Moving on to Székesfehérvár, he is informed that Jelačić is close by with his force.

At Zámoly, some few kilometers north of the battle site from only two months before at Pákozd, Jelačić avenges his earlier defeat and routs Perczel back to Székesfehérvár. Perczel had once again ordered an all-out charge, expecting these Croatians would give way as quickly as those at Mernye, but Jelačić's veterans are much more prepared and itching for a true victory against a Hungarian force. Perczel had kept up the pressure on the Croatian lines and appeared at one point close to breaking through due to sheer numerical superiority, but the determination and courage of the Croatians left wave after wave of assaults unsuccessful. The Hungarians paid a steep price for their failed efforts, with some 1,500 dead and several hundred more taken prisoner. Losses on Jelačić's side are much lower, though the Ban cannot afford even few losses being so deep in Hungarian territory. Nevertheless, Perczel's battered force can only shadow, not challenge, the Ban's army as he now marches unopposed towards Buda.

Görgei and the main army are nearing Komárom on December 20th when they hear of the defeat; Windisch-Grätz and the Austrians are still a few days from Győr.

In Serbia and Vojvodina

The crisis of the Vojvodina Serbs had exposed deeper rifts in neighboring Serbia, where factionalism and intrigue divides the court of Prince Aleksandar Karađorđevic. A coup in 1842 led by the Ustavobranitelji, or defenders of the constitution, had removed the Obrenović dynasty from power. The leaders behind this takeover, Toma Vučić-Perišić and Ilija Garašanin, had subsequently created opposing factions that vehemently opposed each other by the time the crisis had emerged. Vučić believes that Serbia's attentions should be focused inward on her native sons, and opposes involving the realm in what he sees as an external affair. Garašanin, appointed by the Prince to be Interior Minister, supports extending aid to the Vojvodina Serbs as part of a grander strategy he is developing. Inspired by an exiled Polish prince named Adam Czartoryski, Garašanin sees the future of Serbia in a more pan-Slavic (or, rather more precisely, pan-Yugoslav) role, a nation which includes all Serbs, Croats, and other Slav peoples currently under the yoke of the Austrian and Ottoman empires. Garašanin had eventually won out and convinced Prince Aleksandar to send support to Vojvodina, though only unofficially under the guise of volunteer regiments.

The Vojvodina Serb commander, Šupljikać, is a cautious man, and after early successes in the south refuses to push north past the Danube until he can expel the Hungarians from the key fortress at Petrovaradin opposite Novi Sad. Meanwhile Stevan Knićanin, the partisan leader from Serbia, has gathered almost 10,000 men to his cause and pushed the Hungarians from key towns in the east including Vršac and Kikinda, gaining him widespread support from the Vojvodina Serbs, while also drawing the attention and the fear of Romanians, who are concerned the rampaging Serbs will steal from them as well.

When Šupljikać suddenly dies in early December, the Vojvodina Serbs are left without a proper military leader. Power is consolidated in the hands of Patriarch Josif Rajačić, but the priest is no great military mind. Unsure of what to do, the bulk of the Vojvodina Serb force pulls back from Petrovaradin, causing the Hungarians to turn their artillery on the town of Novi Sad across the river, raining down a bombardment that if left unopposed will destroy the town. Rajačić, pressured by his national board to take action, urges Knićanin and another Serb partisan leader, Đorđe Stratimirović, to take control of the Vojvodina Serb forces in addition to their own so that the siege of Petrovaradin can be resumed and the war effort further north continued. Unwilling to see his gains in the region completely lost in a political power vacuum, Knićanin agrees.

Todorović, whose Croatian forces have limped south following their defeat at Mernye, is surprised when he hears rumors that Serbs are now in control in Mohács and Baja east of Pécs; he opts to march towards the Danube before turning south to Osijek to determine whether or not this is true.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Author's Note: The Battle of Zámoly is basically equivalent to iOTL Battle of Mór, which is also quite close to Pákozd. iOTL, Jelačić won thanks to the arrival of Ferenc Ottinger (remember he hasn't defected to Austria iTTL), though it is also true that Perczel was an impetuous commander and did not care much for scouting his enemy before battles. Also iOTL Perczel did not have the forces to leave men behind and so basically ceded southwestern Hungary without a fight per Kossuth's orders.

Background info on Serbia is (simplified and edited for brevity) as iOTL, including the death of Šupljikać (I may have moved it up a few days in my internal planning timeline). Then the butterflies take over, as the next military commander for the Vojvodina Serbs iOTL is actually Todorović, who iTTL is delayed by his defeat at the hands of Perczel and won't reach the area before Rajačić has to make a quick decision. The bombardment of Novi Sad is also as iOTL (I think).

Whether or not the partisan Serbs would have agreed to take over is rather up for debate. iTTL the role of Vojvodina Serb partisans is played down to make their Serbian counterparts look like a measure of salvation when their voivode dies, when in reality there was some amount of conflict between the two and partisans returned to Serbia complaining of mistreatment. Take from it what you will.

More generally, I hope you readers aren't too thrown off by my jumping around geographically, as it's difficult to cover all of the butterflies chronologically without doing a bit of hopping. I had intended for this update to stay focused on Italy but opted for this instead; therefore, the next update will definitely include Italy, and we'll also return to Berlin after a stop in Frankfurt.

Comments, suggestions, ideas are all welcome! Questions make you a better reader and me a better writer ;)
 
Last edited:
Are you sure that Perczel's army is entirely incapable of challenging Jelasic's forces? By my rough estimates, it is still at least 4000-strong. How big is the Croat army?
 
Are you sure that Perczel's army is entirely incapable of challenging Jelasic's forces? By my rough estimates, it is still at least 4000-strong. How big is the Croat army?

The Croat army isn't all that much bigger, probably around 4,500 when accounting for losses. I think the key here is that Perczel gambled and lost by pushing so hard; if he's going to make a coherent attack, he needs to regroup. His men are Honvéd volunteers - they're not as inexperienced as Todorović's forces were, but they are certainly not to the level of the Ban's veterans. Even if Perczel mounts a counterattack relatively quickly, there's no guarantee the results will be any different.
 
November/December, 1848 (continued)

In Venice

November sees chaos return to Venetia; Radetzky's men are shuffled from town to town, quelling upstart armed resistance and rounding up suspected revolutionaries for incarceration, while Radetzky himself lobbies for the return of his diverted troops to assist in pacification. In the city itself, Manin is surprised by the arrival of Garibaldi and especially of Mazzini, who draws a crowd in the tens of thousands when he gives an address in support of the revolutionary cause. After gaining power, Manin had spent much of the last few months arguing with Mazzini supporters, who (now proved right) had predicted that a successful republican Venice could become the center of Italian liberation and draw in notable partisan support, the former of which Manin very much has hoped to avoid. His shrewd politics have kept Venice isolated from the collapse of the Piedmontese invasion and cautious even in its jubilant victory at Mestre; in truth he is not as radical left as many of the Mazzini supporters are, but now he must shift in that direction to accommodate their newfound strength, even as some whisper that Mazzini should take Manin's place outright as president.

Garibaldi joins Pepe as commanders of the Venetian volunteer army; the two spend the rest of the year drilling and discipling their forces, knowing that conflict will inevitably return by spring. News of the defeat of the Viennese revolution only hardens the resolve of the various leaders to defend Venice more vigorously. Manin suggests engagement with the Hungarian revolutionaries, believing that Kossuth can be convinced to support the Venetian revolt as he did the Viennese one, so long as Hungarian can fight off her own Austrian enemies. Mazzini meanwhile begins to make overtures to the new French government, hoping the republican leaders there will take up the cause of liberty in Italy.

In Rome

In the Eternal City, liberal agitators had been organizing for months, following the revolutions as they emerged in other Italian states as well as across Europe, and had waited impatiently for an excuse to bring the cause to Rome, especially once they had learned of the successes of Venice. Their opportunity comes on November 15th; an unpopular conservative minister of Pope Pius IX, Pellegrino Rossi, is assassinated in Rome outside the opening of the Parliament. Liberals move quickly overnight to drum up popular support against the government, and as the people take to the streets the Pope names Carlo Muzzarelli his new chief minister.

Fearing an armed revolt is now imminent, the Pope secretly flees to Gaeta, across the border with the Kingdom of Naples, on November 24th. By the end of the month, a provisional opposition government is formed after a delegation sent to meet with the Pope never reaches its destination. Instead Pius denounces the political activity and excommunicates the provisional government and all who support it; this action immediately backfires as widespread protests break out, calling for an end to the Pope's power for political rule. The radicals, riding the wave of popular support and republican fever, call for direct election to be held in January to create an assembly, elect a leader, and draft a formalized constitution. The Roman Republic is born.

In Frankfurt

As the all-German parliament elected in May drags on into the Winter months, the body is increasingly devolving into factionalism as the demands of over 500 delegates must be reconciled into a unified platform, a Herculean task if not an impossible one. The unsatisfactory truce over Schleswig-Holstein, which galvanized anti-Prussian views among the radicals, had led to armed agitation in the streets and the brutal murder of two prominent conservative delegates, Felix Lichnowsky and Hans Adolf Erdmann von Auerswald. Austrian and Prussian troops had been brought in to restore order, further outraging the radical left. Debate and argument has continued; the Vienna uprising allowed radical factions to turn their anger into legitimate influence over the assembly as conservatives scramble to denounce the new emerging revolutionary wave.

For many, the central debate of the parliament is what a singular German realm would look like, and whether it would incorporate one or both of the two major German powers, Austria and Prussia. In particular, would Austria (if included at all) bring her entire, multiethnic realm into the new state, or would only those territories which were included in German Confederation be eligible? As the battle rages on in Vienna, the so-called Kleindeutsche and Großdeutsche Lösungen advocates wage battles of their own.

When the Viennese revolt is firmly suppressed and attention shifts to the emerging revolutionary crisis in Berlin, the radicals see a chance to strike. Wilhelm Loewe, leader of the far-left Deutscher Hof faction, gives a speech on November 9th in which he argues that the actions of the people of Berlin and Vienna have proven that neither the Prussian King nor the Austrian Emperor has done enough to respond to the demands of the German people. Therefore neither can with any credibility lead a unified German state, and a democratic republic must be established.

Conservatives are outraged and denounce the far-left as radicals who would see German hopes destroyed. Nevertheless, in their private circles they admit great concern over the emergence of such republicanism in both capitals.The center, meanwhile, where left- and right-leaning factions have emerged but generally can find common ground on big issues, suddenly verges on complete collapse as delegates are pushed to either camp based on whether they support a constitutional monarchy or a true republic.

Whether Austria or Prussia will lead Germany will have to wait, and, as neither power seems particularly powerful at present anyway, the issue of governance now takes precedence as the political lines are drawn ever darker.

In Berlin

As soon as fighting begins to break out between the Berliner militia and Prussian troops under von Wrangel, Blum finds himself thrust into the spotlight as he tries to gather support from those Berliners more reluctant to take up arms. Noting the failure of the Viennese revolters to stir up more widespread support, Blum visits with influential citizens and has the rumor spread that the king has sent in troops because he no longer cares for the safety of his subjects; those living in the city will be punished if it falls regardless of whether or not they took part in the rebellion; therefore, all must take up arms to defend their homes and their rights or possibly lose them forever.

The militia foray on Charlottenburg Palace is beaten back by guards and reinforcements from outside the city, forcing the Berliners to retreat inside the city's customs wall, much like the defenders of Vienna had, and to dig in for a protracted fight. Von Wrangel's men fan out to surround the city center but fall under ambush after ambush and encounter barricades guarded by armed and angry men across the city's buroughs. This is especially true just west of the center in the Dorotheenstadt area, when cannon shot (accidentally) hits a house and starts a fire that spreads quickly in strong winds. The Prussian troops are slow to respond and citizens are discouraged from putting it out themselves for fear of falling under attack, and it seems that Blum's words are validated by the unfortunate incident. By evening the fire is extinguished; the anger of the Berliners is not.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Author's Note: Everything in Rome is pretty much as iOTL, again I'm simplifying some things for the sake of brevity and for the fact that there's quite enough names and such floating around already.

I hope the section on Frankfurt has come out plausibly. I want to explore what the effects of a more partisan parliament will be on aspirations for a united Germany, and whether the idea of 'neither with Vienna nor with Berlin' could really catch on or not. I'm keen to hear readers' thoughts on this issue.
 
Top