Author's note: New here, new to the genre (well, writing it anyway) as well. Been reading some great stuff on these forums over the past few days and bounced around a few ideas in my head. This will inevitably fizzle as I have much more time than usual because of the holidays, but here goes:
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Late 1848, Austrian Empire
Josip Jelačić, Ban of the Kingdoms of Croatia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia and Commander of the Croatian Military Frontier, crosses the Drava with 30,000 men. His movement is a response to increasingly hostile actions undertaken by the revolutionary government of Hungary, led by Lájos Batthyány. Supporting the rule of Austrian emperor Ferdinand I, Jelačić hopes that ingratiating himself to the imperial cause and defeating Croatia's centuries-old enemy Hungary will be a great bargaining chip for increasing Croatia's autonomy or even Austrian acquiescence to Croatian independence.
The year has already been a tumultuous one throughout the nations of Europe. Beginning most evidently in France, a revolutionary wave, inspired by weariness for Europe's absolutist, monarchical system, social and economic upheaval brought about by rapid technological and demographic change, and an increased desire for various populist, liberal movements, sweeps the continent and leaves chaos in its wake. In France, King Louis-Philippe, a scion of the noble class and an increasingly unpopular figure, is forced from power and a new French Republic is proclaimed, following mass uprising. In the German states, King Frederick William IV of Prussia is caught off-guard by the forcefulness of protests in his country, and a bloody riot in Berlin results in the creation of a National Assembly with his reluctant assent. Other monarchs are petitioned for governmental reforms or even forced to abdicate their thrones.
Austria, too, faces revolutionary forces in the aftermath of riots in Vienna in March that had forced the dismissal of Klemens von Metternich, architect of the diplomatic settlement that ended the Napoleonic era and Austria's rise to its current prominence. Still facing pressure from liberals, Ferdinand flees Vienna for a brief period during the spring and summer months, issuing concessions from the relative safety of Innsbruck. By his return in August, Vienna is still in the throes of discontent and the public uproar continues.
At the same time, Austrian control over Hungary wanes as nationalists seize the opportunity to advance the status and autonomy of the Hungarian state. A package of laws passed by a solidly nationalist Diet in Pressburg gives most important governmental functions over to itself, as well as promising to increase Hungarian control over minority populations in Transylvania and Croatia-Slavonia. Austria can do little but sever ties with this new, hostile government and make overtures to agitators in Croatia and even in Serbia.
Thus Jelačić issues a decree promising he has no intentions of pushing for Croatian sovereignty, and instead denounces the separatism of the new Hungarian government. Returning from failed negotiations in Vienna, Jelačić decides the time is ripe for intervention on the side of the imperial government. Conflicting orders and missives from imperial representatives leave Jelačić unsure of his position, but, expecting Vienna will support his actions on Austria's behalf, decides to move against Hungary anyway.
Once his army is on Hungarian soil, another decree is issued in which Jelačić claims to represent Ferdinand's government, but this receives no official backing. The upstart army of the revolutionary government, fearing nevertheless that Jelačić could easily be reinforced by more troops from Austria, avoids a direct confrontation and retreats in the direction of Buda with the Ban's army in pursuit. Adding to the confusion is the fact that the commander of imperial forces in Hungary is nominally Stephen, Palatine of Hungary and an Austrian Archduke, who orders Jelačić to disband and return home. By the end of August, though, Stephen resigns his post and returns to Ferdinand's court.
Hungarian attempts to stay a battle go ignored by Jelačić, while the politicians Batthyány and Kossuth rally additional thousands of soldiers to the revolutionary army. By the morning of September 28th, Jelačić finally commits to battle at Pákozd in the vicinity of Székesfehérvár, but a confused plan of attack and Hungarian resilience prove to be too much for a victory. Jelačić, now unsure of the strength of the opposing army and still waiting for official orders from Vienna, begins a retreat towards the Austrian border as the Hungarians regroup to plan their next move.
By October 6th, Austrian Minister of War Count Baillet de Latour had assembled troops from the garrison of Vienna to reinforce the Ban's army for a renewed thrust into Hungary. However, he had miscalculated the Viennese mood and diverted too many soldiers from an already depleted an exhausted force. Combined with propaganda from Batthyány, a crowd sympathetic to the Hungarian causes prevents the troops from leaving the city and incites yet another riot, leaving the city in chaos as battles are fought in the streets. The Count is lynched by the angry mob, the remainder of the city's garrison is ejected, and Ferdinand is forced to flee once more from the capital; this time court is moved to Olmütz in Moravia. Word is finally sent to Jelačić to join up with the remainder of the Austrian army under Alfred, Prince of Windisch-Grätz to reclaim the capital and restore order.
Jelačić, jaded by the lack of official support and reinforcements during his brief campaign in Hungary, rethinks his earlier stance of unconditional support for Ferdinand. Now, with the separatist Hungarians seeming to be in a position of strength and imperial court engulfed in chaos, Jelačić realizes he has chance to push the Croatian agenda to the forefront of Austrian affairs. Seizing his opportunity, he issues an ultimatum to Ferdinand: the Ban's army will come to the emperor's aid only if he will recognize Croatian independence. He emphasizes that Austria can remain a firm ally of the Croatian people, but that centuries of foreign rule must end and the realms of the Croatia allowed to operate independently of Vienna. With such support, he will happily sign an alliance with Austria to fight their mutual Hungarian enemy.
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Author's Note: Most of this section is simply build-up and context, the POD occurs right at the end. IOTL, Jelačić makes no such demands and moves to aid the Austrian army in retaking Vienna. ITTL, the Ban's defeat at Pákozd more strongly influences both the Hungarian and the Ban's own position. He pushed so strongly for a movement against Hungary, and instead of being met with praise from Austria gets nothing. His rationale moving forward is to ensure that he and his country will get something out of their support in the future, and he seizes at the chance to get back at both Hungary and Austria in staking his own claim.
Comments are appreciated and most welcome.
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Late 1848, Austrian Empire
Josip Jelačić, Ban of the Kingdoms of Croatia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia and Commander of the Croatian Military Frontier, crosses the Drava with 30,000 men. His movement is a response to increasingly hostile actions undertaken by the revolutionary government of Hungary, led by Lájos Batthyány. Supporting the rule of Austrian emperor Ferdinand I, Jelačić hopes that ingratiating himself to the imperial cause and defeating Croatia's centuries-old enemy Hungary will be a great bargaining chip for increasing Croatia's autonomy or even Austrian acquiescence to Croatian independence.
The year has already been a tumultuous one throughout the nations of Europe. Beginning most evidently in France, a revolutionary wave, inspired by weariness for Europe's absolutist, monarchical system, social and economic upheaval brought about by rapid technological and demographic change, and an increased desire for various populist, liberal movements, sweeps the continent and leaves chaos in its wake. In France, King Louis-Philippe, a scion of the noble class and an increasingly unpopular figure, is forced from power and a new French Republic is proclaimed, following mass uprising. In the German states, King Frederick William IV of Prussia is caught off-guard by the forcefulness of protests in his country, and a bloody riot in Berlin results in the creation of a National Assembly with his reluctant assent. Other monarchs are petitioned for governmental reforms or even forced to abdicate their thrones.
Austria, too, faces revolutionary forces in the aftermath of riots in Vienna in March that had forced the dismissal of Klemens von Metternich, architect of the diplomatic settlement that ended the Napoleonic era and Austria's rise to its current prominence. Still facing pressure from liberals, Ferdinand flees Vienna for a brief period during the spring and summer months, issuing concessions from the relative safety of Innsbruck. By his return in August, Vienna is still in the throes of discontent and the public uproar continues.
At the same time, Austrian control over Hungary wanes as nationalists seize the opportunity to advance the status and autonomy of the Hungarian state. A package of laws passed by a solidly nationalist Diet in Pressburg gives most important governmental functions over to itself, as well as promising to increase Hungarian control over minority populations in Transylvania and Croatia-Slavonia. Austria can do little but sever ties with this new, hostile government and make overtures to agitators in Croatia and even in Serbia.
Thus Jelačić issues a decree promising he has no intentions of pushing for Croatian sovereignty, and instead denounces the separatism of the new Hungarian government. Returning from failed negotiations in Vienna, Jelačić decides the time is ripe for intervention on the side of the imperial government. Conflicting orders and missives from imperial representatives leave Jelačić unsure of his position, but, expecting Vienna will support his actions on Austria's behalf, decides to move against Hungary anyway.
Once his army is on Hungarian soil, another decree is issued in which Jelačić claims to represent Ferdinand's government, but this receives no official backing. The upstart army of the revolutionary government, fearing nevertheless that Jelačić could easily be reinforced by more troops from Austria, avoids a direct confrontation and retreats in the direction of Buda with the Ban's army in pursuit. Adding to the confusion is the fact that the commander of imperial forces in Hungary is nominally Stephen, Palatine of Hungary and an Austrian Archduke, who orders Jelačić to disband and return home. By the end of August, though, Stephen resigns his post and returns to Ferdinand's court.
Hungarian attempts to stay a battle go ignored by Jelačić, while the politicians Batthyány and Kossuth rally additional thousands of soldiers to the revolutionary army. By the morning of September 28th, Jelačić finally commits to battle at Pákozd in the vicinity of Székesfehérvár, but a confused plan of attack and Hungarian resilience prove to be too much for a victory. Jelačić, now unsure of the strength of the opposing army and still waiting for official orders from Vienna, begins a retreat towards the Austrian border as the Hungarians regroup to plan their next move.
By October 6th, Austrian Minister of War Count Baillet de Latour had assembled troops from the garrison of Vienna to reinforce the Ban's army for a renewed thrust into Hungary. However, he had miscalculated the Viennese mood and diverted too many soldiers from an already depleted an exhausted force. Combined with propaganda from Batthyány, a crowd sympathetic to the Hungarian causes prevents the troops from leaving the city and incites yet another riot, leaving the city in chaos as battles are fought in the streets. The Count is lynched by the angry mob, the remainder of the city's garrison is ejected, and Ferdinand is forced to flee once more from the capital; this time court is moved to Olmütz in Moravia. Word is finally sent to Jelačić to join up with the remainder of the Austrian army under Alfred, Prince of Windisch-Grätz to reclaim the capital and restore order.
Jelačić, jaded by the lack of official support and reinforcements during his brief campaign in Hungary, rethinks his earlier stance of unconditional support for Ferdinand. Now, with the separatist Hungarians seeming to be in a position of strength and imperial court engulfed in chaos, Jelačić realizes he has chance to push the Croatian agenda to the forefront of Austrian affairs. Seizing his opportunity, he issues an ultimatum to Ferdinand: the Ban's army will come to the emperor's aid only if he will recognize Croatian independence. He emphasizes that Austria can remain a firm ally of the Croatian people, but that centuries of foreign rule must end and the realms of the Croatia allowed to operate independently of Vienna. With such support, he will happily sign an alliance with Austria to fight their mutual Hungarian enemy.
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Author's Note: Most of this section is simply build-up and context, the POD occurs right at the end. IOTL, Jelačić makes no such demands and moves to aid the Austrian army in retaking Vienna. ITTL, the Ban's defeat at Pákozd more strongly influences both the Hungarian and the Ban's own position. He pushed so strongly for a movement against Hungary, and instead of being met with praise from Austria gets nothing. His rationale moving forward is to ensure that he and his country will get something out of their support in the future, and he seizes at the chance to get back at both Hungary and Austria in staking his own claim.
Comments are appreciated and most welcome.
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