A Cat of a Different Color: China After Mao

[Rediv]

This timeline presents an alternate path for China after the death of Mao Zedong on September 9, 1976. It’s the first timeline I’ve done, so if you’ve got any feedback or criticism, let me know!

On a brief note, I’ve rendered all Chinese names in Pinyin, for the sake of clarity, but in order to retain somewhat of an authentic feel, I have retained a few easily recognizable place names such as “Peking” and “Canton” in entries written from a Western point of view. Again, let me know if you’d prefer a different strategy for Romanization.


---------------------------------------


Oh, in those days we had no idea what was going on. All the power struggles, the intrigue, the backstabbing – that was happening right under our noses, but we were completely in the dark. Now, there were hints, sure – clues dropped along the way – but more often than not you just didn’t recognize them for what they were. Looking back on it a couple years later, after the dust had settled a bit, you’d take a look at what you had seen and heard, and you’d slap yourself on the forehead and think to yourself “It was so obvious!” But really, we never did see it coming.

- Richard Asper, former correspondent, Globe and Mail, Mar. 7, 2010


With no word on the fate of the body of Mao Zedong, almost a month after his death, rumors are beginning to percolate much as they did following the death of Prime Minister Zhou Enlai last winter. Much of the rumors that reach Hong Kong are probably nothing more than gossip, but the stories reflect a widespread uncertainty after a year of unsettling events – the passing of Mao and Zhou, a divisive anti-rightist campaign, and a series of earthquakes.

One rumor, brought from Canton, even speaks of the possible rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping, the Deputy Prime Minister who was ousted last spring. Another, from Shanghai, is that a glass factory is making a crystal coffin in which Mao’s body is to be preserved.

Judging by the Chinese press, the authorities themselves are concerned about the prevalence of such stories and by signs of a breakdown in public discipline in everything from petty crime to worker absenteeism.

According to a broadcast from Jiangsu Province, the worker militia of a cotton textile mill has “persistently carried out patrol and sentry duties day and night in the neighborhoods and residential areas to which they are assigned, keeping guard against sabotage by class enemies.”

“They have dealt a powerful rebuff at rumors and the current undermining activities carried out by class enemies,” according to this report.

Who the class enemies are, or what the rumors they were spreading are, was not stated.

-- New York Times article, Oct. 5, 1976


Soldiers in the streets. Not militia, but PLA – the real deal. I was having dinner at the International Club, and then all of a sudden there was this low rumbling noise. Looked out the window to see a convoy of army trucks speeding down Chang’an Avenue – really speeding, like they had somewhere they needed to be in a hurry. And then on the way back to the hotel I see these guys in their green fatigues on all the street corners holding AK-47’s … or, you know, whatever guns they’ve got here. Heavy duty stuff. Something’s definitely going on.

-- diary of Richard Asper, correspondent, Globe and Mail, Oct. 5, 1976



China announced today that the body of Mao Zedong would be placed in a crystal sarcophagus, and displayed in a mausoleum to be constructed in Peking.

The announcement came at the end of a month of official mourning for the chairman of the Chinese Communist Party who died on Sept. 9 at the age of 82. The site of the mausoleum was not specified.

-- Agence France Presse bulletin, Oct. 9, 1976


Soldiers all gone now. I just don’t get this place.

-- diary of Richard Asper, correspondent, Globe and Mail, Oct. 10, 1976


An editorial this morning in the party newspaper Renmin Ribao called on China’s 800 million people to engage in an “upsurge of studying Mao Zedong Thought” as the “best concrete action to carry out Chairman Mao’s behests.” Quoting from a saying of Mao’s that is often used to stress party unity, the editorial also said “Unite, don’t split, be open and above board, don’t intrigue and conspire.”

This emphasis on study and unity, usually associated with the so-called “moderates” among Peking’s leaders, follows several earlier editorials and pronouncements marking the conclusion of the month-long mourning period following Mao’s death. Analysts here believe these calls now represent the officially agreed upon position.

At the same time, several articles have appeared this week calling on China’s people to “deepen the struggle to criticize Deng Xiaoping and repulse the right deviationist attempt to reverse correct verdicts.” Still, observers have noted that slogans of this sort are in accord with the themes put forward in Prime Minister Hua Guofeng’s eulogy at the memorial rally for Mao in Peking, and are a step back from some of the more strident condemnations of the ousted Deputy Prime Minister heard in previous weeks.

-- New York Times article, Oct. 12, 1976


To: Various provincial, municipal and autonomous regional Party committees of various military regions, provincial military districts; the Military Affairs Commission; Party committees, leadership groups or nucleus groups at various organizations under the Central Committee and the State Council.

Enclosed within are the following documents:

Directive regarding the cooperation of People’s Armed Police and People’s Militia in the suppression of counter-revolutionary sabotage activities

Directive regarding the exchange of experiences among People’s Armed Police and People’s Militia of various localities

Report of the Capital Workers’ Militia to the Central Military Commission

Report of the Shanghai No. 5 Cotton Mill Workers’ Militia to the Central Military Commission

Report of the Chengdu Red Flag Steel Mill Workers’ Militia to the Central Military Commission

-- CCP Central Committee Zhongfa No. 175, Nov. 3, 1976

[Iori]

Interesting so far.

I'd use Beijing and Guangzhour though, since I'm pretty sure most people had transitioned away from using Peking and Canton by that point.

[historybuff]

Sounds interesting so far, wondering where you're going with this.

[Rediv]

Part II



The Great Leader Chairman Mao Will Live Forever in Our Hearts

Let Us Turn Our Grief Into Strength

Grasp Revolution, Promote Production

Act According to the Principles Laid Down

-- selected signs and banners on the streets of Beijing, Nov. 1976




Rumors that the Central Committee meeting is underway. Japanese came by and said they had seen limos arriving in Tiananmen Square, but had been stopped from getting a closer look. A couple of us went down there after dinner – no limos, but you could see that the lights were on in the Great Hall of the People. Could be a false alarm, but I can’t imagine the Chinese can put this thing off for much longer. Every day we’re hearing more of these reports of trouble in the provinces – they need to let everybody know that someone’s got a hand on the wheel. If they don’t get on top of this thing, it’s going to spiral out of control.

-- diary of Richard Asper, correspondent, Globe and Mail, Dec. 15, 1976




Convened by the State Council, the Second National Conference on Learning from Dazhai, national pace-setter in agriculture, opened on December 15 in Beijing. The conference was attended by 4,200 people from different parts of the country.

Party and state leaders Hua Guofeng, Wang Hongwen, Ye Jianying, Zhang Chunqiao, Chen Xilian, Chen Yonggui, and Wei Guoqing were present at the opening ceremony.

Wang Hongwen, Vice-Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, presided at the conference.

-- Xinhua News Agency bulletin, Dec. 16, 1976



Appearing in public for the first time since the memorial rally for Mao Zedong in September, China’s leaders offered no sign that a successor had been chosen to replace the late chairman, suggesting that the collective leadership would continue in its attempt to strike a balance between class struggle and economic development.

Presiding over the conference was Wang Hongwen, the youngest member of the Politburo and generally considered to be a member of the radical “Shanghai Gang”. Wang ranks second in the Party hierarchy, after Premier Hua Guofeng, who is largely viewed as a moderate and who has been the most visible of China’s leaders in the months since Mao’s death.

The prominent role given to Wang came as a surprise given his generally low profile in recent years. After his dramatic and unexpected appointment to the party’s third-highest position at the Tenth Party Congress in 1973, Wang slowly faded from view, and many experts believe that in spite of his high office he wields little real power. At the memorial ceremony for Mao, Wang had announced the beginning and conclusion of the ceremony, but largely stood silent behind Hua, who delivered the eulogy.

Presenting the opening speech to the assembled delegates, Wang praised the efforts of the model commune of Dazhai, singling out peasant activist Chen Yonggui for special praise for having “courageously grasped Mao Zedong Thought to achieve self-sufficiency in agriculture through arduous struggle and self-sacrifice.”
…
Also noteworthy was the absence of Mao’s widow Jiang Qing, who had figured prominently in a previous agricultural conference held in Dazhai last year, giving what was described as “an important speech.” Many analysts have predicted that Miss Jiang, a prominent leftist who rose to power during the Cultural Revolution, would likely decline in influence after the death of her powerful husband.
…
Other prominent leaders in attendance included the 78-year old Minister of Defense Ye Jianying and Shanghai party chief Zhang Chunqiao, who is also a Vice Premier and chief commissar of the People’s Liberation Army. The elderly Ye is widely considered to be a moderate, whereas Zhang’s political stance is somewhat less clear: having risen to power as a radical activist in the Cultural Revolution, he recently has shown signs of embracing a more pragmatic approach.
…
With Mao’s death and the earlier passing of four other members of the nine-member Standing Committee of the party’s Politburo, there are now serious gaps in the leadership. There is no party chairman, no head of state, no commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and only four survivors on the Standing Committee – Hua, Wang, Ye, and Zhang – which is the inner circle of leadership.

-- New York Times article, Dec. 16, 1976

[Pancakes!]

I'll be interested to see where you go with this. Plus, I love the title. 猫主席万岁！

Just one nitpick: I'm pretty sure that prior to gaige kaifang, there weren't any foreign correspondents in Beijing. Or at least not from any newspapers called "The Globe and Mail" (Britain? USA?). There might have been a couple of Albanians floating around, but since China was on poor terms with practically every other country in the world, foreign reporters - especially those from the decadent capitalist West - weren't allowed into the country until Deng had assumed power. I think that prior to 1978 or 1979, most papers "China bureau" was located in Hong Kong or in Taibei.

[Rediv]

Subversive Panda: Thanks! I really enjoyed the start of your 革命不是请客吃饭 timeline, and I eagerly await the next installment.

I’ve come across a few examples of foreign correspondents in China, but of course only from countries that had diplomatic relations with the PRC. For example, by 1976 there had been Japanese journalists in Beijing for several years. American newspapers all had their correspondents in Hong Kong, but a few were let into China on a temporary basis (for example, Time Magazine’s diplomatic editor was in Beijing covering the visit of former defense secretary James Schlesinger in September 1976, so he was there when Mao died)

I’ve chosen the Globe and Mail since it’s a Canadian newspaper, and they had pretty good relations with the PRC for quite some time. I’ve come across Globe and Mail articles from the early 70’s datelined Beijing, and while I can’t verify for sure whether the writers actually were there, I’m making a leap of faith (American newspaper articles, by contrast, were consistently datelined Singapore or Hong Kong).

[Pancakes!]

Originally Posted by Rediv

Subversive Panda: Thanks! I really enjoyed the start of your 革命不是请客吃饭 timeline, and I eagerly await the next installment.

I’ve come across a few examples of foreign correspondents in China, but of course only from countries that had diplomatic relations with the PRC. For example, by 1976 there had been Japanese journalists in Beijing for several years. American newspapers all had their correspondents in Hong Kong, but a few were let into China on a temporary basis (for example, Time Magazine’s diplomatic editor was in Beijing covering the visit of former defense secretary James Schlesinger in September 1976, so he was there when Mao died)

I’ve chosen the Globe and Mail since it’s a Canadian newspaper, and they had pretty good relations with the PRC for quite some time. I’ve come across Globe and Mail articles from the early 70’s datelined Beijing, and while I can’t verify for sure whether the writers actually were there, I’m making a leap of faith (American newspaper articles, by contrast, were consistently datelined Singapore or Hong Kong).

Oh, OK. That makes sense. And I like the idea of a foreign correspondent as a point of view character anyway. Consider my nitpick debunked!

And I will be very interested to see where you go with this one. Deng's rise to power certainly wasn't a fait accompli by any means. I'll be curious to see if you have a hardliner gain power - although that might be a bit dicey in the long term, as people were awfully sick of them by '76. Or there could be another compromise choice, like Hua in OTL, or another moderate who wasn't as anathema to Maoists as Deng was . . . a lot of possibilities. And I like that you've worked Ye Jianying into the timeline; he's always seemed an interesting figure to me.

[Dathi THorfinnsson]

Originally Posted by subversivepanda

I'll be interested to see where you go with this. Plus, I love the title. 猫主席万岁！

The title doesn't make much sense in English, really. Is it a Chinese proverb/expression, or what? I mean as an analogy to a 'horse of a different colour', the meaning is obvious, but I did wonder why cat.

[stevep]

Originally Posted by Dathi THorfinnsson

The title doesn't make much sense in English, really. Is it a Chinese proverb/expression, or what? I mean as an analogy to a 'horse of a different colour', the meaning is obvious, but I did wonder why cat.

Dathi

I'm guessing its from the comment Deng made about it doesn't matter the colour of a cat as long as it catches mice.

Steve

[jackalope]

Originally Posted by subversivepanda

I'll be interested to see where you go with this. Plus, I love the title. 猫主席万岁！

Just one nitpick: I'm pretty sure that prior to gaige kaifang, there weren't any foreign correspondents in Beijing. Or at least not from any newspapers called "The Globe and Mail" (Britain? USA?). There might have been a couple of Albanians floating around, but since China was on poor terms with practically every other country in the world, foreign reporters - especially those from the decadent capitalist West - weren't allowed into the country until Deng had assumed power. I think that prior to 1978 or 1979, most papers "China bureau" was located in Hong Kong or in Taibei.

An interesting idea. If you want to make this all something for the
average reader, a good way is the unreliable (and humorously so)
narrarator.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unreliable_narrator

To have some hack from the Albanian Glorious Newspaper reporting,
or the Left Handed Mongolian Industrial Screwthread Association visiting
editor, to wit, might have enough pull to have the proletarian
novel audience kept interested. A good theme is to show how far
we in the world have traveled with the PRC, and how unstable it was
(and internally still is, with humongous amounts of construction
going on with no one using the buildings).

There were foreign correspondents for the special events, especially
Nixon's visit (no, P.J. O'Rourke only wrote an imaginary visit). To the
best of my knowledge, even the few foreign delegations were kept
under constant surveillence til after the 'Vultural' Revolution ended,
which is sometime very late in the year 1976 and slowly changing after.
Foreign correspondents were otherwise as welcome as a naked singer
Madonna clone would have been in a 1300's Medievil Greek Monastary.

Good luck in all --

Riding the Iron Rooster, by Paul Theroux
search Amazon

[Rediv]

Originally Posted by jackalope

An interesting idea. If you want to make this all something for the
average reader, a good way is the unreliable (and humorously so)
narrarator...

That's not a bad idea. So far, I've tried to include several misleading or misinformed sources, but I hadn't thought of including a more extended "visitor's report" style.

As you suggest, this kind of approach would likely add a bit more color to what all too often has tended towards a dry textbook/memorandum style. Plus, it would be a good device for expanding upon some of the universal or at least common assumptions and perceptions of China at the time, which would seem totally foreign to those of us living in the 21st century.

Though I have to confess, prior to seeing your post, I had pretty much put this timeline on an indefinite hiatus. I've considered reviving it a number of times, but I can't say with any certainty if or when new posts will resume. But thanks for your suggestion and support!

By the way, do you remember the title of that phoney travelogue by PJ O'Rourke you mentioned? I imagine it could be pretty funny.

[Rediv]

Warmly Welcome Comrade Wang Hongwen on His Inspection Tour of Xiyang County!

-- banner at Dazhai Model Commune, Jul. 1, 1977


This visit to Dazhai, a village often hailed in China’s press as the “national pacesetter in agriculture,” comes amidst reports that the country’s grain purchases from Australia have risen 5% from the previous year, and many experts see Mr. Wang’s widely publicized appearance today as a further indication that China’s declining agricultural production is major source of concern for the top leaders in Beijing.

-- Washington Post, Jul. 2, 1977


Photos released by the Xinhua News Agency show Mr. Wang inspecting fields and examining farm machinery. Constantly by his side is Chen Yonggui, former head of the Dazhai party committee and now a deputy premier. A colorful character, Mr. Chen often appears in public with a farmer’s towel wrapped around his head. Today Mr. Wang seemed to be following his host’s sartorial lead, shedding his usual army tunic and donning a straw hat.

-- The Guardian, Jul. 2, 1977


In learning from Dazhai, we must rely upon the creative energy of the masses, and in particular the energies of the poor and lower-middle class peasants. It was they who took the lead in carrying out land reform, and it was they who most enthusiastically embraced Chairman Mao’s teachings during the Great Cultural Revolution. Therefore, it must be the poor peasants who take the lead in learning from Dazhai and building Dazhai-style counties across our country.

-- Wang Hongwen, address to the Dazhai Poor Peasants’ Association, Jul. 1, 1977


When Comrade Wang Hongwen entered our kitchen, one of the cooks offered him a stool to sit on. He turned to the cook and said:

“Today is the fifty-sixth anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Our Party is committed to serving the people, and we in the Party must always keep the interests of the broad masses of the people in our hearts. ” He gestured to an elderly poor peasant woman and said: “Old grandmother, please sit down and rest.”

Seeing Comrade Wang Hongwen’s concern for the poor peasants, we were deeply moved and resolved to double our efforts to grasp revolution and promote production in transforming China into a powerful socialist country!

-- “Comrade Wang Hongwen Visited Our Brigade,” Nongmin Ribao [Peasants’ Daily], Jul. 3, 1977


Let Us Follow Comrade Wang Hongwen’s Directive to Bring Forth A Great Upsurge in Learning From Dazhai In Agriculture

– an editorial by the members of the Anzhou Poor Peasants’ Association

-- Renmin Ribao, Jul. 4, 1977

[Pancakes!]

I love the newspaper excerpt format that you've chosen, because the tone is absolutely perfect. You should really think about a career with the Central Propaganda Office. I warmly congratulate you . . .

I'd be interested to hear more about your exact POD, especially given Wang Hongwen's rapid ascent to power. Or are you setting him up as a sort of Manchurian candidate for Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao? OTL he was considered more of a sidekick than a leader (and it was reflected in his prison sentence, which was lenient compared to Jiang's, for example). That leads me to my other question: how exactly did Jiang/Zhang/Wang/Yao avoid their fate of OTL? I mean, in real life they were arrested like a month after Mao's death. Really, in the mid-1970s there was an enormous backlash against the Cultural Revolution and everyone associated with it. I think you've got to have at least a few scapegoats to appease the mob. And I know that you drew attention to it, but I just can't believe that Wang would be elected General Secretary at such a young age.

Nitpicks aside, I'm really enjoying the timeline, although I fear for China. Wang was, well, a bit of a nutter. I'm especially fond of the story from during his days as the boss of Shanghai, when he ordered drivers to stop on green and go on red, based on the theory that red was a revolutionary and socialist color and it should thus be associated with movement. Hilarity ensued.

[Rediv]

SubversivePanda:

Sorry I haven’t been clear at all about my POD. My original plan was to reveal it incrementally, in the same manner as the world learned about the Lin Biao Incident in 1971. But I’ll be sure to speed things up and make things clearer.

As for Wang Hongwen, pretty much everybody agrees he’s a figurehead who’s being controlled by someone else, but the question is: who? It’s entirely possible that, seeing the dire straits of the radicals, he abandoned the Gang and started sucking up to the moderates. Considering his OTL willingness to go cooperate in the trial and confess to everything he was charged with, as opposed to Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao, who were as recalcitrant and uncooperative as could be, I wouldn’t say that’s too ASB as long as Wang realizes just how screwed he’ll be if he sticks with the Gang. Plus, I’ve read that – strangely enough – unlike the rest of the Gang, he still acted somewhat respectfully towards Zhou Enlai during the “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius” campaign. So the pill might not be so hard for him to swallow.

Or, as you said, maybe this is all an elaborate ruse, and Wang is indeed a “Manchurian Candidate” for the radicals.

But no, Wang Hongwen is not the sharpest tool in the shed, and not particularly qualified for the job he has now. He was pretty good at stirring up trouble in the January Seizure of Power back in 1967, but actually running things isn’t really his forte. Maybe if they had just kept him in charge of the Shanghai Militia he would have done an ok job, but as the Acting Chairman of the Communist Party he’s pretty in over his head.

[Rediv]

Subversive Panda, cont'd:

You brought up a really important point about popular dissatisfaction and a need for scapegoats which I forgot to address. Here's how I've been seeing it:

(Let me know if you're still not convinced, though, since I do think I'm erring on the side of an elite politics focus and neglecting how things play out in the grassroots)

Before the OTL arrest of the Gang of Four, the public removal of leaders was usually rather gradual. In 1966, for example, while Liu Shaoqi’s policies were being repudiated and attacked, for the first few months he himself stuck around, and even appeared at the first Red Guard rallies. Then, slowly, he began to fade away, appearing at fewer official functions, his name being mentioned less and less in connection with the other leaders. Then the denunciations of “China’s Khrushchev” started, and eventually Liu was criticized by name.

In TTL, we haven’t been seeing a whole lot of Jiang Qing, and neither Zhang nor Yao have been particularly vocal or active since Mao’s death. I would imagine that people in China would have taken note of this, and concluded that Jiang Qing was as good as gone, and that Zhang and Yao were likely being pushed down quite a few notches as well. As for a more cathartic denunciation campaign, that would probably come later.

But then again, cathartic denunciations were usually accompanied by just the sort of chaos that the Gang represented, and so I’m sure plenty of people would be happy to forego the slogan-shouting and flag-waving as long as they could just go about their lives in peace, confident that the upheavals were behind them. And considering that in TTL we haven’t heard anybody in the top leadership talking about class struggle or capitalist roaders for a while, some people may well be coming to such a conclusion.

There still is dissasisfaction, though, and we're likely to see more local unrest and a spread in crime, etc. Hopefully, barring something unforeseen, we should be able to avoid something like a repeat of the April 1976 Tiananmen protests (Which the leaders have been especially sensitive to -- hence the Zhou Enlai commemorative ceremony in January 1977)

[Rediv]

PRESS COMMUNIQUE OF THE THIRD PLENARY SESSION OF THE TENTH CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA


The Tenth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held its third plenary session on September 15th.

New members of the central organs were elected at the session. The results of the election are as follows:

Chairman of the Central Committee: Wang Hongwen

Vice-Chairmen of the Central Committee: Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Zhang Chunqiao

Members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee: Wang Hongwen, Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Zhang Chunqiao, Li Xiannian, Yao Wenyuan, Chen Xilian, Ji Dengkui, Li Desheng


The session unanimously resolved the following:

The publication of Volume Five of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong is to begin at the earliest possible date.

The Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China is to be convened in three months time.


-- Xinhua News Agency Press Bulletin, Sept. 15, 1977

[Rediv]

The Whole Party, the Whole Army, and the People of Every Nationality in Our Country Celebrate the Election of Chairman Wang Hongwen with Boundless Enthusiasm

-- Renmin Ribao, Sept. 16, 1977


Analysts in Hong Kong noted that the new leadership lineup showed very little change from before the plenum. The highest-ranking members of the Standing Committee were bumped up to the three Vice-Chairman seats, and the Politburo members listed next in line were similarly promoted to the Standing Committee.

The only surprise comes in the person of Li Desheng, the commander of the Shenyang Military Region. Li had previously ranked twelfth in the Politburo, but in yesterday’s plenum was promoted to ninth place, above fellow PLA men Wang Dongxing and Xu Shiyou. Li had been named a member of the Standing Committee in 1973 but was inexplicably demoted two years later. He is considered to be closely allied to Chen Xilian, a leading member of the Military Affairs Commission and believed by many to be acting defense minister.
…
The announcement of the upcoming party congress surprised many long-time China-watchers here, with many calling the news unprecedented since the Cultural Revolution. Previous congresses in 1969 and 1973 – as well as the 1975 meeting of China’s parliament – had been held in complete secrecy, The official announcement coming only after the meetings were over.

-- The Washington Post, Sept. 17, 1977


We Will Sacrifice Our Lives to Defend the Supreme Commander Chairman Wang Hongwen

-- Jiefangjun Bao editorial, Sept. 17, 1977


This morning, I opened the newspaper to find my own face staring back at me! This was quite a shock, but even more shocking was that my face was placed directly beside that of Chairman Mao. Now comrades, you know that I am young and have only been waging revolution for a few years. The Party has decided to give me this responsibility, in spite of my many mistakes and failings. I myself believed that Comrade Ye Jianying was the one suited to this position, but I have submitted to the will of the Party. How can I, a lowly soldier, be worthy to take a place equal to that of the Great Leader and Great Teacher Chairman Mao?

I have heard, as well, that when the decision of the Central Committee was announced, there were some who cried out “Long live Chairman Wang!” This too is inappropriate. It would be better to say “Long live Mao Zedong Thought!” “Long Live the Communist Party!”

-- attributed to Wang Hongwen, anonymous big-character poster, People’s University, Beijing

[historybuff]

Well done.

Hmmm, you're taking suggestions, right? How about some of the older members on the Politburo don't think Wang's experienced enough to run the country? Interesting group, a governer, a mayor and deputy, several military commanders
.

[Rediv]

Originally Posted by historybuff

Interesting group, a governer, a mayor and deputy, several military commanders
.

Yup, they're a pretty diverse bunch. It's a legacy of the disorganization of the Cultural Revolution, when members from different backgrounds and different political leanings were added now and then to balance out the competing factions, and when in the end, loyalty to Mao was the main qualification for office.

[Rediv]

The publication of Volume Five of Chairman Mao’s Selected Works at this time is by no means accidental. In preparation for our Party’s eleventh congress, it is critical that the entire people – not just the members of the Party, mind you – are provided the means to build a greater understanding of the history of our Party, and to grasp more firmly the theoretical basis of our present undertaking.

-- Zhang Chunqiao, remarks to cadres from Guangdong Province attending the Central Mao Zedong Thought Study Class in Beijing, Oct. 11, 1977


It is impossible embark upon the task of socialist construction unless one has a firm grasp on the contradictions found within society. It is the masses who are most acutely aware of these contradictions, and thus it is essential that in carrying out its work, the Party must always remain in close consultation with the masses. It is for this reason which Chairman Wang Hongwen has called upon the Poor Peasants Association to take the lead in learning from Dazhai, and it is for this reason that the other mass organizations must take the lead in studying Mao Zedong Thought in preparation for the Party Congress.

-- Yao Wenyuan, address to delegates from the All-China Trade Union Federation, Oct. 13, 1977


When I went down for breakfast this morning I noticed that each of the waiters was wearing one of those red buttons with Mao’s face on it. Out in the lobby, the girls behind the desk all had them on too. Outside the hotel, it was about fifty-fifty – I guess not everybody got the memo. Must be part of the whole campaign hawking Mao’s new book.

Some guys around here are wondering if this isn’t the start of some big push by the radicals to get back into power. I mean, every day you look at the news bulletin, and it’s Zhang and Yao, Zhang and Yao, meeting with some provincial delegation or giving some speech. Still, I’m kind of skeptical that this is anything to really get excited about. Those two have always been the ones who’ve taken care of the ideology stuff – who else do they have in the Politburo who can really sling that theoretical hash like they do? Plus, we haven’t seen anything really significant coming out of the college campuses. Sure, there was that one article by the Liang Xiao guys up at Qinghua, but if you read it, it’s pretty tame stuff. There’s none of that whole “Smash the capitalist roaders” rhetoric like we used to see.

And Jiang Qing. Where is she? If this was a radical comeback, she’d be running around all over the place, but we haven’t seen hide nor hair of her for the longest time.

-- diary of Richard Asper, correspondent, Globe and Mail, Oct. 16, 1977