The eagle's left head

[Lascaris]

Catane, January 23rd, 1302

The French garrison had held out for nearly five months. Cut off from all supply and under constant attack from the forces under Philanthropenos and Vatatzes, the French had decimated the towns cat and dog population but even these were finite. Thus in the end the survivors had been forced to surrender.

Paris, April 10th, 1302

King Philip IV, summoned the French Estates General in the Notre Dame cathedral for the first time in history. Philip's conflict with pope Boniface VIII already brewing for the past several years was coming to a head with Boniface demanding to reign supreme over the king, and Philip supported by the Estates General asserting his and France's independence from the papacy. It would take some time for the conflict to be resolved. In the meantime both the pope and the French king would be too preoccupied to be much bothered by side matters like the war in Sicily.

Rome, March 1302

A hundred transports were assembled in the port of Naples to carry the army of Charles of Valois into Sicily. His uncle, Charles II of Anjou meeting him in Rome had proclaimed him Captain General of Sicily with extensive powers and a promise to support him in an invasion of the Byzantine empire, Charles was married to Catherine of Courtenay, titular empress of the Latin empire, while Boniface VIII had unleashed yet more excommunications on Sicily. There was merely a single problem, that Charles army had to be transported to Sicily and as long as the galleys with the double headed eagle banners of house Vatatzes patrolled back and forth outside Naples not to mention raided the coast that was not possible. Recruits not just from Sicily but also from the Aegean, still in turmoil and hardly short of sailors had flocked to Alexandros Vatatzes banners after the victory at Aegades islands and the possibility of loot. Even many of the former Angevin crews captured by Vatatzes in particular Apulians and Catalan mercenaries had shown very little compunction about changing sides. Charles could go to Sicily any way he liked but by sea. Which was not lost either to Frederick of Sicily or Charles. Quietly discussion of a peace treaty begun just as the army of Charles of Valois begun marching towards Naples ostensibly to begin the invasion.

Western Asia Minor, spring 1302

Co-emperor Michael IX led an army against the Turcoman Gazis raiding the imperial holdings inn Asia Minor. He would reach Magnesia on the Sipylus only for his army to dissolve under him without battle. If Michael was any more competent than his father Andronicus who had nearly dissolved imperial armies at a time the empire was under attack on all her borders, he wasn't showing it. But he certainly wasn't anything like his grandfather...

Ischia, Naples, April 28th, 1302

Peace finally came between Frederick III of Aragon and Charles II of Anjou. Frederick III would be proclaimed king of Trinacria, a way to avoid conflict over the tittle of king of Sicily which would be retained by Charles and marry Eleanor, Charles daughter. When Frederick died the island of Sicily would be returned to the Anjou and his heir by Eleanor would be given either the crown of Sardinia or that of Cyprus. Calabria would revert to Charles II.

Ischia, April 30th, 1302

Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes had learned to remain calm or at least not to show his anger from an early age. Now he was visibly angry.

"Calabria in not yours your majesty to sign away at your pleasure. Why you expect me to betray its people?"

Frederick III was unperturbed.

"Uncle I do not expect you to do anything that you find dishonorable. But this war is over. If you want to hold to Calabria you are free to try. But without Sicily"

The despotate's fleet sailed away for Messina before the day was over.

Messina, May 4th, 1302

"The king has made his peace. I have not made my own. I am not throwing to the French wolves our fellow Calabrians who fought side by side with us even if I have to go and fight by myself. Are you with me?"

The roar from the crown was answer in itself.

Kortrijk, Flanders, July 11th, 1302

Following the Matins of Brugges, a French army had invaded Flanders. It had been met by a force consisting for the most part by militiamen on foot. The the French who had 2,500 knights and men at arms, the Flemish army looked like easy prey. It would prove anything as such as the Flemish infantrymen, many of them armed with pikes, stopped the French cavalry charges cold and then counterattacked pushing the knights into the marches. The battle of the Golden Spurs would be the first time in Western Europe that a heavy infantry force had beaten an army of knights. It would hardly prove the last...

Bapheus, July 27th, 1302

A Byzantine army of 2,000 men under George Mouzalon had marched to the relief of Nicomedeia. But the Ottoman army under Osman that had met it had 5,000 men. Mouzalon despite fighting hard had been defeated. Nicomedeia would hold out for several more years despite the defeat and Ottoman armies encroaching all around it but still Bapheus had been the first major victory of Ottoman arms...

Castrovillari, Calabria, August 15th, 1302

With peace concluded with Frederick the Angevin army had turned its attention to Calabria, with Charles of Valois joined by the recently liberated Philip of Taranto launching an invasion in May. The army of Ioannis Vatatzes, 4,200 men including 1,200 Almogavars under Bernat de Rocafort had retreated before the much larger French and Neapolitan army, trying to gain time. Ambushes, scorched earth and the occasional siege were not enough to stop Charles and Philip but were enough to delay them and reduce their number.

Alexandros Vatatzes was making certain to take full advantage of the time his son was gaining him. Alexios Philantropenos was first to cross to Calabria at the head of a Sicilian army 8,000 strong including the Cretans and Anatolian Greeks who had followed him to Sicily back in 1296. Alexandros had taken his time. He had sent first his mother Anna of Hohenstauffen to Palermo to make amends with Frederick. Frederick while staying neutral had agreed to allow Alexandros his Almogavar mercenaries. Filial piety to his great-aunt had certainly played a role. Cold calculation had probably mattered just as much or more. The thousands of Almogavars mercenaries in his pay were an unnecessary burden bound to become a problem. So why not let Alexandros recruit them making them the Greek's problem? As for the Almogavars they were anything but averse about serving under a respected ruler like Alexandros. They had flocked to the banners of Alexandros with Roger de Flor managing to recruit 1,500 horse and 5,000 foot soldiers on his behalf. Alexandros and Roger would thus cross last into Calabria at the head of what had been dubbed the Grand Catalan company.

And now the largest Greek army assembled in Italy since the days of Basil II's katepanos was to join battle against the cream of French knighthood...

 

[Lascaris]

Castrovillari, Calabria, August 15th, 1302

When the army of Charles of Valois meets that of the despotate of Sicily at Castrovillari the French prince has reasons to feel confident. His army numbers nearly 20,000 men is sligltly superior in numbers to that of the despotate. Nearly a quarter of the men are French and Italian men at arms a force that still dominates European battlefields. The infantry is a more mixed bag, two thirds being local feudal levies stiffened by 4,000 heavy infantry and a thousand crossbowmen.

On the despotate's side Vatatzes can count nearly as many cavalry as Charles nearly 4,700 in total. Almost the entire force are veterans not just of the war of the Vespers but of fighting in Asia Minor, Crete and Spain as well. But unlike the French and Italians over two thirds of the men are Greek Stratiotai and Iberian Jinetes more lightly armed than their French counterparts, the rest being about a thousand pronoia heavy cavalry, by now this includes the few native Sicilian knights at the time of the vespers and half as many "Latin" men at arms, Aragonese and German mercenaries. Vatatzes infantry includes some 5,000 Catalan mercenaries, in addition to 8,000 "natives". Native after the past two decades may be something of a misnomer. The towns of Eastern Sicily prior to the Vespers provided units of crossbowmen and militia infantry which Alexandros inherited while Calabria has been a source of light infantry. To these has been added a steady trickle of exiles from the eastern side of the Adriatic. Under their instruction by 1302 local infantry is armed and in a fashion Alexandros father or Michael VIII would had found all too familiar. By the time Alexandros and Alexios Philanthropenos march to meet Charles of Valois they can count upon a core of well trained and armed heavy infantry, backed by light infantry, archers and crossbowment.

Charles opens the battle in typical fashion advancing in three battles led by his men at arms with his heavy infantry following behind, while sending forward his light infantry and crossbowmen to soften up and disorganize the enemy. They are beaten back by the Sicilian screen, Charles militiamen being no match for their veteran opponents. But the Sicilian light infantry and cavalry looks the perfect target for the French van who charges them. The Sicilians appear to flee in front of them back to the heavy infantry allagia behind them retreating through the gaps left for this purpose between them by Philantropenos, which then close behind them. The French van already somewhat disorganized charge only to be received by a hail of javelins, arrows and crossbow bolts. The men at arms themselves, heavily armoured are somewhat invulnerable. Their horses largely unarmored are not though and their opponents know to aim for them. And the Almogovars armed with two handed "coutell" spears and reinforced by dismounted men at arms are hardly as vulnerable to cavalry as their opponents would like to think. The French van is beaten back with heavy loss. Reinforced by the middle van it attacks again, only to be beaten back again. Undeterred Charles brings forward his rear battle and leads the charge again. For a moment it looks as if the Sicilians might not hold. And it is at this moment Philanthropenos Cretans and Jinetes, having driven the Neapolitan militia off the field hit the French on the flank. The French, shaken, start to give ground, only to be charged in turn by the Sicilian heavy horse, commanded by Ioannis Vatatzes. Giving ground turns into a rout.

Charles of Valois, hardly a match for his brother in ability is still a capable commander, though hardly a match for Philantropenos. He manages to extricate part of his army from the disaster. But a disaster it is nevertheless. It is made worse when Boniface VIII accuses Charles for it. According to the chroniclers the prince almost physically assault the pope. He restrains himself but with his brother already in conflict with the papacy, in effectively marks the end of French involvement in the war.

Salerno, Christmas 1302

Charles II of Anjou gave a slight smile.

"And so we meet again. Peace I suppose?"

Alexandros hid a smile of his own. He had won on the battlefield, held Charles heir, uprisings were not unlikely in Charles kingdom... and yet said kingdom was still 5 times more populous than his own, he had to deal with the papal enmity, Frederick back in Sicily could well turn on him and the land was heavily castellated. Peace was preferable.

The treaty of Salerno would provide, for recognition of Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes as hereditary duke of Calabria turning him into a vassal of both Charles and Frederick and for the marriage of Maria of Anjou with Ioannis Vatatzes. Which left the matter of Maria's dowry and Robert's ransom. Charles had been left with little money. Giving Alexandros any additional land on Italy was out of the question, and Alexandros was willing to consent to these as long as Charles secured the papacy would remain off his back. Something else was needed. Conveniently Isabella of Villehardouin the princess of Achaea had married her third husband Philip of Savoy without Charles consent giving him right to deprive her of the principality. Thus Maria was given the proncipality of Achaea as dowry, Robert was freed, the kingdom was spared the constant source of trouble that was the Morea, and Alexandros was welcome to said trouble.

And thus the Despotate of the Two Sicilies was born...

 

[Lascaris]

The main difficulty now is that a lot of Alexandros' own people are Latins, like the Sicilian barons, knights, common people, as well as the Aragonese soldiers they just imported. They have some Greek population back in Italy yes, but you also need to appease these people as well so you've got to grant these people new land in Greece. You can't just deal with the Greek nobles and give land exclusively to your Greek followers. You've gotta deal with your Latin followers as well in an even hand to retain their respect, more so if the Vatatzes were to take over the entirety of both Sicilies. At which point in time you've gotta ask yourself how to deal with the impending hot mess that is the division in your people. This is a house-divided kind of situation. That is not getting into the hot mess back in Southern Italy with the popes and foreign monarchs.You need to come up with a compromise that accommodates both people not just one. In which case ‘reconciliation’ as one poster puts it is the best appropriate solution. Otherwise you will have one side of the Adriatic burning.

Minor or not so minor caveat. The grand majority of the Sicilian barons were in the interior of the island and Val di Mazzara in particular. Vatatzes Sicily is a strip of land in the east of the island in Val Demone and Val de Noto that in OTL was part of the royal demense and the queens camara reginale. Why is this important? To quote from Backman's The Decline and Fall of Medieval Sicily.

"In addition although it was not strictly part of the demesne - Frederick's queen Eleanor held an extensive independent apanage known as the camera reginale, which she administered with her own corps of officials; located in the Val di Noto, its most important component was the city of Siracusa, but it included Francavilla, Lentini, Mineo, and Vizzini as well. This camera grew rapidly in the 1320s and 1330s and became a favorite resettlement site for immigrants from the Val di Mazara, owing to certain tax dvantages it enjoyed but above all due to the relative absence of baronial influence there. Whether as part of the king's demesne or as subjects to the queen's administration, well over 50 percent of the total population of Sicily lived within sixteen kilometers (ten miles) of the coastline at the start of Frederick's reign; and the urban segment of the population increased proportionally as the overall population declined. Thus if we consider the demesne in the broadest context — that is, as all the sites under royal control, whether that meant the king or the queen - it is likely that from 1325 onward as many as two-thirds of all Sicilians inhabited the crown's territories and paid taxes to the royal fisc."

So sure Alexandros may have a variety of challenges. Barons within his own territory less so at the moment, since the territory that became the despotate in 1282 was for the most part small landholders and royal land. Barons in general if Frederick III follows down on his OTL path of effectively letting them run amok, with ever increasing leeway given to them with every passing year is an entirely different matter.

Post that, what's the likely ethnic composition of the despotate? Calabria was of course the place with the strongest Greek presence in Italy. In Sicily back in the 12th century about a third of the Sicilian population was still Greek, with the grand majority in the areas held by the despotate. It start coming under increasing pressure in the 13th century, and afterwards but in the 17th century you still had 18 communes exclusicely speaking Greek in addition to dual speakers in the island and in the 14th still a third of all priests in Messina are Greek despite the pressure under both Angevins and the house of Aragon. So I'd say that at the time of the vespers the Greek population of the island was in the 18-24% range. Which means the despotate's Sicilian population is roughly 60-80% Italo-Greeks in 1282. Lets stick to the lower figure for plausibility's shake.

 

[Lascaris]

Syracuse, January 1303

Normally Andronicus II would had been loath to require help from the west in general and Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes in particular, given the... ambiguous status of the despot within the imperial hierarchy. In theory the polite fiction that Alexandros was under imperial authority was maintained. In practice Constantinople could not exert any actual power on the despot and Andronicus was wary of his relative since the time they were children. But the defeat at Bapheus and the collapsing Byzantine position in Asia Minor did not leave him much option. Byzantine ambassadors had reached Messina late the previous year. With Alexandros on campaign and then negotiating the treaty of Salerno, they had had to wait on Alexandros for several months. But now Alexandros was back and negotiations progressed apace...

Rome, April 4th, 1303

The previous November, Boniface VIII had issued a bull proclaiming that both spiritual and temporal power were under his jurisdiction, and that kings were subordinate to the power of the church. That the French crown, which was the ultimate target of the bull was unimpressed, had been unsurprising. Now the pope doubled down excommunicating all persons who were impeding French clerics from coming to the Holy See. While this did not include king Philip IV by name, it was not deceiving anyone either. But this was not Boniface's sole problem. Charles II in Naples had dared to make not one but two peace treaties with the Sicilians on his own. Boniface did not approve. But some amends had to be made. And perhaps Charles in his incompetence had solved the problem of the king who held Sicily being too strong by accident since now Sicily was effectively split in two between Frederick and Vatatzes. This had potential. The interdict on the entirety of Sicily was lifted and papal nuncios would be sent to Palermo and Syracuse.

Anagni, September 7th, 1303

Boniface VIII had excommunicated Philip IV and his ministers. In response Philip had his keeper of the seal Guillaume de Nogaret and Sciarra Colonna lead a force of 2,000 mercenaries into Anagni, the pope's residence capturing the pope outright. The pope would be released after being maltreated for three days but would never manage to overcome the shock from his capture and mistreatment, in was no small thing when you claimed to be the political and spiritual leader of Christedom, for your flock to dare not just to disobey you but attack you directly. He would die in October 11th. On the 22nd Benedict XI would succeed him as pope. One of the sole two cardinals to stand by the late Boniface, Benedict would try to mend fences with the French king, but with mixed effects.

Constantinople, September 1303

The Grand Catalan Company, 5,000 foot and 1,500 horse marched through the streets of Constantinople Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes and Roger de Flor at the head of the column. Thirty nine galleys in the pay of the Despotate of Sicily had brought the company to the empire to take up service with the empire. If Andronicus was concerned by the presence of his grandnephew he gave no sign of it. Ioannis was after all in the Queen of Cities ostensibly bringing help and to be confirmed as despot. It was better to go along and hopefully see the troublesome brat return away to Sicily in a few months. Ioannis would be confirmed as despot and Roger as megas doux a few days later.

Cyzicus, October 1303

The company had begun its work for the empire by attacking the Genoese quarter of Constantinople. Soon after it had crossed to Asia Minor attacking and defeating the Turks near Cyzicus. Roger's orders were to relieve the siege of Philadelpheia. But it was too late in the campaign season to do so at the moment. Most of the Catalans would pass the winter quartered around Cyzicus while Roger returned to Constantinople and his new wife Maria Asen, a niece of the emperor.

Constantinople, December 1303

Just as the Catalans could not campaign in the middle of winter to the relief of Philadelpheia, so the Sicilian fieet could not sail back to Sicily till spring. Which mean that Andronicus had to contend with one Ioannis Vatatzes gallivanting around Constantinople. Some of the youngster's actions like buying manuscripts by the carload were not cause for concern, if his father wanted to waste his money on books why should that matter? Others like visiting John IV, a monk in a monastery near Constantinople for the past several decades, had been very concerning but had to be expected, after all Lascaris was his first cousin and Andronicus a very pious man could understand the familial sentiment. The Lascarid loyalists flocking Vatatzes way as soon as his fleet had brought the Catalans to Asia Minor and news that a Lascaris was leading said fleet were a different matter. Ioannis, closely followed around had maintained propriety at all times, perhaps calculating that he was in no position to threaten the emperor, perhaps out of genuinely not having any ambition to do so. But he hadn't turned back the people, for the most part refugees, coming to him. If things continued this way his fleet would be full to the brims when it sailed back to Sicily in the spring...

 

[Lascaris]

St. Nicola di Pergario Abbey, Sicily, March 1304

The abbey belonged to the Basilian order and was close to baron land.This could be a potentially lethal combination. Honorius IV had proclaimed the Basilian archimandrite deposed, it went of course without saying that he had not recognized any of the Basilian bishops installed by Alexandros, and had stripped the Basilian church of all its holdings. That Honorius proclamation was completely ignored within the despotate had been a polite description, covering more extreme reactions. The same should had been normally expected over hostile papal declarations in the rest of Sicily. But in this case the Sicilian barons thought otherwise. If the Basilians had been stripped of their holdings, it mean that said holdings were up for grabs. What after all could a bunch of Greek monks do about it? And thus the barons near St Nicola had gone on the warpath, or the chicken thievery path if someone was less charitable, raiding and pillaging the abbey's land. Furious complaints had flown from Syracuse to Palermo. Admonitions had flown from Palermo to the barons, Frederick was pious and did not want to alienate the despot, and promptly ignored, the barons knew the king depended on them. And thus one more raiding party came to visit the abbey. A single raider would come back to report the fate the Cretans who had ambushed them had dealt to the rest. Not every baron would understand the lesson from its first iteration. Some would go complain to Palermo in turn when the stradioti did not just limit themselves to beating back the raids but returned them with interest. But it would be learned sooner rather than later. Asia Minor and Crete had been a rather harsher school than Sicily in the petty warfare business after all...

Hagia Sophia, April 6th, 1304

Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes was prominent behind Andronicus II and Michael IX in the Easter mass. The young despot had not been in a hurry to return to Sicily in the middle of winter but had promised his hosts he would be sailing back after celebrating Easter in Constantinople. Preparations were in full swing and if Michael IX in particular could not wait for Vatatzes to be gone in order to begin his campaign against the Bulgarians, as his father wanted Michael's army in Constantinople till Vatatzes left he did not show it in public or even to Vatatzes in person. How much Ioannis was fooled by this was anyone's guess, but when his fleet finally sailed of at the end of the month it was on friendly terms with the imperial family.

Cyzicus, May 1304

Roger de Flor at the head of an army of 7,000 men begun his campaign to relieve the siege of Philadelpheia. Roger would successfully relieve Philadelpheia and advance east before falling back to the city but his abuse of the people on his own side, including beheading the commander of the fortress of Kula and stabbing with a sword one of his fellow generals would gain him few allies...

Chios, June 1304

Ioannis Vatatzes had sailed out from Constantinople in the end of April. His fleet, reinforced by a number of hired merchant galleys had not been particularly fast as it treaded south and made a stop to support Ephesus which had come under Turkish attack. It was at Ephesus that Ioannis had received the news that Benedetto Zaccaria was attacking Chios. For whom the old Genoese was working for, was somewhat fuzzy on paper, he had been made admiral by Philip IV of France two years earlier, but all to clear in practice, he was out to grab territory for himself. But if Chios, one of the richest islands in the Aegean was to fall to a Genoese adventurer why not fall to an ambitious young despot instead? And thus the Sicilians instead of sailing west had sailed north again. Zaccaria's small fleet, taken by surprise had been dispersed and the Chians had thrown open their gates for Vatatzes who had followed his takeover of Chios by seizing the nearly deserted island of Kos and Samos settling Asia Minor refugees on both. Back in Constantinople Andronicus unable to do anything without a fleet and with bigger troubles close to home, where Michael IX had been defeated by Theodore Svetoslav of Bulgaria had pretended to accept Ioannis excuses granting Ioannis Chios as a fief for two years. Soon the two years would be made ten years...

Andravida, Principality of Achaea, July 1304

The news of Charles II making the principality of Achaea the dowry of his youngest daughter had not been taken well by princess Isabella and her third husband Philip of Savoy. Thus Philip had come with a plan. If he defeated the Greeks of Mystra and recovered their territory, the barons of the principality would come firmly on his side and make his position on the throne unassailable, hopefully even Charles would change his mind at news of his success after all he couldn't be very happy about giving the principality to Vatatzes. But warring against the imperial army in Mystra needed money. So taxation within the principality had sharply gone up to finance Philip's campaign to be. When the barons had balked at this Philip had been forced to call a parliament in Andravida.Of course said parliament did nothing to assuage the Greek peasantry which crushed by taxes and baronial demands kept grumbling...

Syracuse, August 1304

Ioannis Vatatzes was finally back to his hometown, while born in Constantinople he had been raised in Syracuse. The grilling he had received from his father and uncle, and his grandmother for that matter, was probably to be expected. But both Alexandros and Philanthropenos didn't have any reason to be unhappy with him. They had unburdened themselves from their bothersome mercenary problem, let Andronicus deal with the Catalans now and secured his title of despot. The settlers brought back to Sicily were a nice boon, loyal people with skills that could be useful particularly in the aftermath of two decades of war. And his action in Chios while perhaps rash had been a nice and totally unexpected boon. The little domain carved out in the Aegean had revenues of 120,000 hyperpyra a year, sufficient to keep two dozen war galleys in operation...

Syracuse, December 25th, 1304

Robert of Anjou was back in Syracuse, this time as a guest accompanying his sister on behalf of his father. The marriage of the 24 year old Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes and Maria of Anjou, 10 years his junior would take place in Christmas eve...

 

[Lascaris]

Syracuse palace, December 25th, 1304

Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes did not even raise an eyebrow as Frederick III, the king and queen of Trinacria could not be missing from the marriage of Ioannis, not with Alexandros the king's largest vassal and the bride being the younger sister of the queen, brought him the important news that the world was coming to an end they had to prepare for its end. Meanwhile Frederick was waxing on enthusiastically on his subject. Arnau de Vilanova had reached Palermo a couple pf months earlier having escaped the inquisition after being held suspect even for the sudden death of pope Benedict XI, how Arnau could had accompliced that deed from prison was not said. At Palermo the doctor turned mystic who prophesied Antichrist was arriving in 1368 had proceeded to convince Frederick and himself that Frederick had been chosen by divine grace to be the instrument for the purification of Christendom in anticipation of the coming Armaggedon.

Alexandros wasn't much bothered by someone having trouble with the papacy, after all he had been excommunicated by several popes himself, but this newly found spirituality of the king and many of his Catholic subjects was... concerning. Sicily had been put on interdict for two decades with no Sicilian allowed to receive the sacraments, get baptized or be ordained priest and the king and the Catholic Sicilians appeared to be trying to cover the gap in a hurry as did the papacy which had been quick to try installing bishops of her own. Things had been different in the despotate, the Greek priests while theoretically under the jurisdiction of Rome had went on with their jobs ignoring with Alexandros support the interdict, if anything he had taken advantage of the situation to install more and more Basilians in the empty sees created from the interdict within the despotate. This of course meant that the despotate was still in conflict with the papacy, the interdiction may had been lifter but the popes had yet to resume their relation with the Basilian order. But the papacy had much bigger problems at the moment with the French crown and Alexandros was not in a hurry. It was no accident that the college of cardinals was being held at swordpoint by Charles II at the moment and had not elected a king for the past several months. But if Frederick and his direct subjects were turning into fanatics this was potentially a problem. Not least given the continuous problems with the borders between the various bishoprics of the island and the troubles with the barons...

Achaea, March 25th, 1305

The Greek peasantry crushed by taxes by taxes and maltreated by Frankish barons had been increasingly grumbling particularly since Philip of Savoy had put even heavier burdens on them to prepare for his hoped for campaign against the Byzantine held lands in the south. This might well had led to an uprising on its own [1]. But over the past several months kindling and organization of a different kind had start to work their way through the Greek population. The news that king Charles had taken away Achaea from the current prince to give it in dowry to his daughter were spreading everywhere, as had the news that in the parliament last year the barons had decided to stand by Philip instead and refuse to accept Charles decisions. And while normally the Greeks couldn't care less about the Franks doings this time it was different. Because the French king in Naples was giving back Achaea to the Greeks. Or so the people quietly spreading silver and promises through the Peloponnesian peasantry claimed. On March 25th the day of the annunciation the Greeks of Skorta let Achaea into general revolt.

Navarino castle, April 16th, 1305

Twenty Sicilian galleys entered the gulf, unloading an army of three thousand men under Alexandros Philanthropenos. The castle's garison taken by surprise and weakened as Nicholas III of Saint Omer marshal of Achaea and owner of the castle might had still held out for some time if some of the Greeks in garrison had not thrown open one of the gates for the Sicilians. Theso called Belissarius of the Palaiologan era would not sit idle on his success. His army would be on the march absorbing rebels in short order just as Ioannis led the fleet south to strike Kalamata. There he would be joined by 10 more galleys from Chios...

Adrianople, April 30th, 1305

Roger de Flor had been invited by Michael IX to Adrianople for discussions, the Catalan company financial demands were still unmet despite the company being paid 1 million hyperpyra over the past two years and the campaign against the Turks had been abandoned despite its successes the previous year with Roger setting up camp in Gallipoli instead. Roger was at least somewhat suspicious as he had brought with him 1,300 men. Ut would be proven he had reason to worry as Michael set his Alans and the Cattalan massacring Roger and most of his escort. But if Michael and his father had hopped the leaderless company would disperse they were in for a rude awakening.

Perugia, June 5th, 1305

Raymond Bertrand de Got archbishop of Bordeaux was elected pope as Clement V. The new pope was not a cardinal and while technically a subject of the English king a Frenchman and a childhood friend of king Philip IV. The new pope would not show any particular interest to move to Rome after his election...

Karytaina, July 17th, 1305

Over the past few months the Sicilians had secured Messenia, Kalamata had surrendered to Ioannis Vatatzes in June, and advanced into Arcadia joining the rebels there and placing the castle of Karytaina under siege. Philip of Savoy initially taken aback by the swift invasion and the revolt had not challenged Philantropenos so far. But Karytaina, one of the strongest baronies of the principality could not be left to fall and the barons were growing restless and demanded action. And thus the Achaean levy, slightly over 5,000 men including 1,200 knights and men at arms and 3,000 heavily armed infantry and a moved to take on the invaders. Philantropenos army swelled by volunteers from the area it had taken and Byzantine Laconia, Andronicus had ordered his general at Mystra to stay out of the fight, but not every soldier had adhered by the orders with many crossing over to join Philanthropenos, was probably slightly stronger in numbers. But over a third were lightly armed rebels of questionable military experience...

[1] It did in OTL

 

[Lascaris]

Karytaina, July 18th, 1305

Alexios Philantropenos, walked thoughtfully through the wreckage of the battlefield. He had won a hard fought victory, the Achaean knights were more heavily armed than his stratiotai and unlike their cousins the other side of the Adriatic were not complete innocents to light cavalry tactics like the ones common in the Balkans and Anatolia. They had still charged into his infantry, correctly surmising half of them were local militia and volunteers. They had not anticipated the nearly one thousand Sicilian crossbowmen waiting for them and their unarmored horses, crossbows while used were not as widespread here in the east. And they had not anticipated the militia even stiffened by Sicilian regulars would be able to stop their charge cold. Truth to tell neither had he before the battle. Out of necessity he had armed them with the two handed "coutell" of the Almogovars, and had his kentarchs, relentlessly drill them for the past few months to march and stand in formation. He hadn't hoped in so short a time they'd be able to reach anything near the proficiency of the Almogovars. At best he had hoped they'd hold back the knights long enough for his stratiotai to take advantage. Instead much to his pleasant surprise they had stopped the charge cold. The charge had been disrupted by his crossbowmen it was true but what had happened here was even more remarkable than Castrovillari. He knew of course, well drilled heavy infantry could stop a cavalry charge. But this here was something else that had to be thought over. If green, not properly armed infantrymen could hold back knights what would happen if you properly armed and drilled them? He'd have to discuss it with Alexandros when back to Messina.

St George castle, Cephalonia, August 2nd, 1305

John I Orsini looked at the double headed eagle standards, rising under the walls of his castle. His nameshake had shown up with a fleet on the coast of the island preceded by news of the defeat of Philip of Savoy and the entire Achaean levy at Karytaina two weeks ago. He had of course pledged his loyalty to Philip. This did not mean he did not understand Philip was a scroundel. He had bribed him to support him already to support him against Margaret. So had his mother in law to stop Achaean participation in a second invasion of Epirus an act that certainly hadn't much helped to persuade Charles II to change his mind over the fate of Achaea. But a scroundel that could be bought over wasn't necessarily worse than the heavy hand of the Vatatzes and as seen in Sicily a heavy hand it was. Achaea's barons had certainly thought so when they had conveniently decided Isabel Villearduin was their true princess and Charles II could not dispossess her. But that was before Karytaina and Vatatzes showing up with a fleet under his walls. He could of course try to withstand siege but at the moment it did not look such a good idea. And thus the count palatine of Cephalonia discovered that after all Ioannis Vatatzes was the legitimate prince of Achaea...

Karytaina, August 15th, 1305

The besieged castle came to terms. The castellan had agreed to surrender on terms if no aid reached him. And following the defeat of Philip none had. Philanthropenos and Vatatzes had scrupulously held to the terms allowing the garrison to leave with its arms, they cared more about the castle than the garrison. By now the Despotate held all of Messenia and part of Arcadia. By now many of the barons having to deal with revolt and the advancing Sicilian army probably would not had minded changing sides as Orsini had done a few weeks earlier. But this meant Vatatzes accepting them. And with his army victorious and a very convenient pretext for Western audiences, the barons technically were all in rebellion against the crown he had little reason to be accommodating with the barons themselves. Their underlings were likely a different question...

Palermo, January 1306

It was another good year economically for the Trinacrian crown. Since the treaty of Caltabellotta, Frederick had restored all municipal liberties, granted new privileges to barons who had done well in the war, guaranteed land tenures to about every single baron who hadn't been openly in revolt against the crown, turned a blind eye to their excesses and granted new tenures. Meanwhile he had standardized the tariff code, set excise taxes to foreign trade to a uniform 3% and granted a large number of toll franchises and toll exceptions. Coupled with investment pouring from his brother's kingdom the kingdom's economy was recovering from the war years. The king's revenues had reached 85,000 Sicilian onzas, two thirds that of Andronicus empire. Frederick had poured his new found wealth to the church but had also start getting ideas. Messengers from the Catalan company had come seeking aid, following the assassination of Roger de Flor and war with the Byzantine emperor. Frederick had not been the only prince to receive calls for aid from Thrace, so had his brother, the pope, Charles of Valois even young Vatatzes in Achaea. Frederick had refrained from actually sending aid but he had not failed to feel flattered. Which was perhaps a bad thing with a young king who increasingly felt being just called the king of Trinactria was an insult to his honor and start to believe he was the chosen of god...

Akova, Peloponesse, January 1306

The castle of Akova had been named by the Franks Mategriffon. Like its nameshake in Messina, named so by Richard the Lionheart during the Third Crusade the name meant death of the Greeks, a name the conquering Crusaders a century before probably found apt, the baronies of Akova and Karytaina to its south had been set up to keep the rebellious Greeks of Skorta between them down. Karytaina now was in Greek hands, Skorta had immediately joined up with their Sicilian cousins and Akova had turned to Achaea's first line of defense. But at least it was still the middle of winter with snow all over the place. The barony would have time till spring and the next campaign season to prepare. Only it had not as Philanthropenos led his army in the middle of winter after the castle...

Syracuse, April 1306

Alexandros Vatatzes went over the first reports of the new year from his son and his brother in law. There was not really much to complain about. The castle of Akova caught with low supplies by Alexios had been forced to surrender earlier in March. The army and fleet had turned west to capture Elis. The organization of the land already taken was going well, by now Ioannis controlled about a quarter of the peninsula with a population of roughly 50,000 people with taxes assessed to about 25,000 ducats and about a thousand pronoias, half of them for cavalry the other half for infantry, established. Not enough to sustain the campaign on its own of course but welcome, last year's campaign had cost him about 200,000 ducats, over two thirds his revenue from Sicily and Calabria. And Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes was many things but just like the father he had never known a spendthrift he was not. The money being spend in the Peloponnese were hopefully money well spent but they still were money not being spent to build things here in Sicily...

 

[Lascaris]

Thasos, April 1306

The island had turned to a pirate haven, since Andronicus had dismantled the imperial navy and many among the Greek crews had turned to piracy instead. But with Chios taken over by the despotate complaints to Ioannis and his father abounded and Chios with her very lucrative revenues could not be alienated. And thus Ioannis had shown up to Thasos with twenty galleys, part of the fleet sent the previous year had returned to Sicily, and 500 soldiers. Between destruction and submission to the despotate the choice was not all that difficult to make...

Rhodes, June 1306

Foulques de Villaret, grand master of the Hospitaller order with 35 knights, 6 men at arms and 500 soldiers set sail from Limassol for the island of Rhodes. Despite the miniscule size of the force both on land and sea, where the Hospitallers had a mere two galleys and four smaller ships joined by a handful of Genoese ships their invasion would prove much more successful than it had any right being. Despite failing to capture Rhodes town itself the knights would seize the castle of Feraklos in September and then Filerimos in November where they would massacre the garrison of 300 Turkish mercenaries.

Kos, July 1306

When Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes, had seized the island two years ago it had been almost entirely deserted due to Turkish raids. Ioannis had settled refugees from the opposite coast of Anatolia, made some repairs to the castle and installed a small garrison to hold the island. Now two years later the island was home to about three thousand people and its population was growing again. It was questionable whether De Villaret was aware of all the details but he had nevertheless dispatched 2 knights and 50 foot soldiers to seize the island claiming it belonged to one Vignolo de' Vignoli. The garrison initially taken by surprise would retreat into the castle. Then realizing how miniscule was the opposition it would chase the Hospitallers off the island.

Messina, August 1306

A dozen Jewish families disembarked from the merchant galley from Marseilles. Back in the spring Philip IV of France had banned Jews from France, clearing the Jewish quarter of Paris and confiscating the goods of the local Jews in the process. Cynics might claim the kings sudden bout of intolerance might have something to do with his debts. But no matter the reason the Jews had to leave and while Alexander was not doing anything in their favor he wasn't doing anything against them either. Thus the despotate, its economy flourishing, not under the house of Anjou and not consumed by religious fervor like the rest of Sicily looked like a good place to settle to some of the exiles.

Andravida, October 1306

Nicholas de Saint Omer led the Achaean levy once more against the Greeks. Since the fall of Akova early in the year things had not been going well for the principality. Philanthropenos had turned west into Elis, took the castle of Beauvoir by storm, treason from within had apparently helped him seize it then marched north against Glarenza and Andravida. As Ioannis, joined up by John I Orsini besieged Glarenza and the principality's mint from land and sea, Philanthropenos had invested Andravida. And as if that wasn't enough the Greeks in the mountains of northern Arcadia were in all out revolt raiding all the way to Kalavryta. Nicholas was anything but happy to risk battle with Philanthopenos again. His army was much diminished from the previous year between losses and defections. Guy II De la Roche the duke of Athens was less helpful than he could, the levies from his Peloponnesian fiefs had joined Nicholas army but these from the duchy proper had not, technically Athens was outside the claims given by Charles II as his daughter's dowry and Guy II was not yet willing to fully join the war against Vatatzes. But it was not as if he had much choice. Losing Andravida and Glarenza would be too heavy a blow for the principality and Vatatzes was not willing to deal. And even if he was willing to deal, Saint Omer was not going to join on the same side with Orsini if he had any choice...

Corinth, May 1307

Philip of Savoy proclaimed Guy II De Roche bailli of the Principality of Achaea. Then he boarded the Venetian ship waiting for him in the port and left for greener pastures. He might have failed to hold on the principality, Glarenza and Andravida had fallen last year after the outnumbered Achaeans had been defeated yet again by Philanthropenos, but he had made money. Lots of money including cash from Guy to make him bailli, thus giving him de facto control of what remained of the principality. He wasn't certain what Guy thought he would accomplish. Unless he was much wrong Vatatzes was not giving up any time soon. In two years his armies had conquered over half the principality and this year they had already moved against Kalavryta...

 

[Lascaris]

Naupaktos, September 1307

Philip of Taranto could see the trebuchets his engineers had built unleashing yet more stones at the fortress. But by now it was evident that his campaign to take Epirus was going nowhere. The Epirotes ably let by Anna Palaiologina were proving just as stubborn and difficult to conquer as in his previous campaign. And by now the year was starting to get late and his army was getting ravaged by disease. Unlike the previous campaign his vassals had come to his aid, short of at least. His newly minted brother in law Ioannis Vatatzes had sent over several ships and John I Orsini and his army, not that Orsini needed much prompting to join the campaign but no ground troops citing "the revolt of his vassals" as reason. Revolt. His father had been forced to give the principality as dowry of Maria Anjou, to secure peace with Alexandros Vatatzes and the release of Robert. Not even Philip was certain what his father hoped to achieve from the marriage and this particular dowry. Secure Alexandros as a future ally? Bog him down in Achaea? The barons could be counted upon not to accept Vatatzes. Both? But surely neither Charles nor his sons had expected Vatatzes proclaiming every single Achaean baron in revolt for staying loyal to Isabella Villehardouin and launching what amounted to a campaign of extermination against them. A ruler actively fomenting a peasant revolt against his own barons? That had been unheard of. But that was when the armies of Alexandros were doing now for three years. And this was creating new problems for the house of Anjou. The surviving barons and the Latin archbishop of Patras were seeking his intervention. So did the duke of Athens Guy II De La Roche who was a loyal Angevin vassal, one with a rival claim to the principality through his wife. But actively intervening would bring him in direct conflict with Vatatzes and remove any hope of bringing his father into the Angevin orbit. Not intervening threatened to alienate Guy II. So Philip had taken the middle ground. He had sent advise and admonitions to Ioannis to take a softer line with the barons offering to mediate. He had offered the same to Guy II and secured for Isabella the county of Alba, the deposed princess could become useful. Guy, considered the paragon of chivalry among the Frankish lords of Greece had claimed it was dishonorable for him to leave the Achaean barons to their fate. Ioannis had thanked him, hinted he might be willing to leave Guy's holding alone and continued to besiege Kalavryta as if nothing had transpired...

Mystras, March 1308

Michael Kantakouzenos became the first Epitropos of the Morea. For the past half century since the liberation of Laconia from Frankish rules governors of the Morea were alternating every year. But this had been causing maladministration. So Andronicus had finally decided to alter this, perhaps prompted by the news of the ongoing conquest of Achaea by the Vatatzes. The despot of course was technically subject to the emperor, or so the emperor claimed at least. But it was hardly lost to the imperial court either that Alexandros was virtually independent and too powerful for a mere subject or that he was a son of Ioannis III that at any time could claim the purple on his own. The unfortunate Ioannis IV had died in the monastery he was being held back in 1305. But as seen when the young Vatatzes had brought the Catalan company to the empires aid pro-Lascarid sentiments were still running strong. And if there was any doubt about it, the conspiracy of John Drimys the previous year another man claiming to be a Lascarid helped dispel them. As long as Alexandros and his sons failed to claim the purple it was better for the empire, facing enemies from all corners, to remain friendly to them. But by the same token it was better if someone kept a close eye on them...

Glarenza, April 1308

Five hundred cataphracts, Westerners would had said knights, and a thousand infantrymen start unloading from the Sicilian galleys. Spy reports said that Guy II had not taken well to the fall of Kalavryta and the continuing conquest of Achaea and was preparing a large army to restore Frankish fortunes in Achaea. Thus Alexandros had dispatched 1,500 more men under Theodore Doukas Lascaris, his younger son named after Alexandros late brother, emperor Theodore II, to reinforce Ioannis and Alexios Philanthropenos. By now nearly the entire standing army Alexandros had carefully built after peace with the Angevins had been restored was campaigning in Greece. It was a risk that could not continue indefinitely. But Sicily was at peace at the moment and no war seemed to loom at the horizon. The pronoia units should suffice for now there.

Arcadia, July 1308

Guy II De la Roche, duke of Athens, self proclaimed prince of Achaea, was getting increasingly frustrated. He had brought together the greatest army Frankish Greece had managed to assemble since the time to take on the Greeks. Present were, the surviving barons of Achaea, the triarchs of Euboea, the knights of the Duchy of Naxos, his own Athenians, even 500 Catalan mercenaries whose services he had bought, even though the company was at this time ravaging the lands of the Despotate of Thessaly and he was supposed to be protecting its young ruler Ioannis II Doukas Angelos. He had assembled over 8,000 men, with nearly a thousand knights and more than 2,000 cavalrymen overall only the damn Greeks were refusing so far to give battle. It was skirmish after skirmish and raid and counter-raid. Only he could not count on keeping his army together indefinately, his feudatories who had answered to his call where starting to grumble to be released as the campaign did not appear to bring results or much in the way of loot so far. And his own health was worsening, having to campaign in the hot Peloponnesian summer was hardly helping. He would have to force battle. The sooner the better.

Mystras, August 1st, 1308

Epitropos Michael Kantakouzenos looked critically at the young man in front of him. Alexandros second son had his father's good looks and apparently his intellect as well although from what he could remember from a lifetime away in Constantinople he had an open charm and assertiveness his father was lacing or at least was careful to avoid showing. Of course this wasn't surprising he mused, Alexandros had to always stay vigilant less Michael find him a threat. Still the youngster within a week from coming to Mystras had made fast friends with his own son Ioannis, had the ladies falling over him, the younger officers chaffing at the bit to join in the fighting in Arcadia, not that this was all that difficult and had made an eloquent attempt to convince Michael himself that he should march with his army to the aid of his elder brother and Philanthropenos. The youngster was too persuasive for someone his age but Michael was made of sterner stuff. And yet the argument, Theodore's or Alexandros he wondered, was clear and persuasive. The whole armed might of Frankish Greece was assembled in one place in Arcadia. The despotate at considerable cost to itself had brought together an army nearly the equal in numbers to the Franks. If Kantakouzenos joined them and the Frankish army was destroyed it could spell the end of Frankish Greece. But what would Andronikos think of it? He had sent to Constantinople asking for instructions already. No answer had been received yet and perhaps there was no more time to wait for one. The decision would fall on his own shoulders...

 

[Lascaris]

Mystras, August 2nd, 1308

The youngster had convinced him, Michael Kantakouzenos admitted to himself. Had the messengers from Constantinople not arrived just in the proverbial nick of time he would had marched north to join Alexandros sons. But the messengers had arrived. And the orders of his serenity the Faithful to Christ the God, basileus of the Romans, written in Andronicus own hand were crystal clear. Michael was to stay neutral. He should not aid the Franks but under no circumstances was he to march to the aid of Vatatzes either, the Franks were less of a danger than a potentially rival emperor with the wealth of half of Sicily behind him. That the order to stay put was unpopular hre was something of an understatement. It was no accident that his own son was right this moment on his way to join the army of Philanthropenos...

Mantineia, August 15th, 1308

Almost 17 centuries had passed since the day the armies of the Greek states had fought the battle that was supposed to decide the fate of Greece only for Epaminondas to fall on the field at the time of victory. The armies now drawn on the battlefield were but a fraction of the size of the ancient ones and it was questionable whether Guy II De La Roche knew he was bringing his army to battle in the same area with the ancient battlefields. Whther he knew or not the history was though irrelevant. Now that the Greeks had finally stood to offer battle he would give it to them before his illness got worse and before his feudatories, already in the field well beyond the customary 40 days their feudal obligations gave him, start to find excuses to leave for their homes. He send his Catalan mercenaries forward to disrupt the Greek lines ahead of his cavalry.

"Last chance! Will you fight your own comrades?" Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes shouted in fluent Catalan at the onrushing mercenaries.

"Awake Iron!" the Almogavar battle cry was the only answer he got as he turned his horse back to join his own soldiers. Not a moment passed before over a thousand crossbowmen let loose their first volley. Many Catalans fell the rest kept charging hoping to get close to the crossbowmen before they could lose a second volley. But the crossbowmen were being protected by spearmen of their own. The pikes they carried were no different than the Catalans own coutell spears, after all Philanthropenos had copied the Catalans three years ago. But by now his men were armored and trained to fight in close order unlike the Catalans.

Guy cursed as he saw the Catalans break and run away. At least he wouldn't have to pay the bastards. But his knights would have to break the Greek squares holding the enemy center the hard way. So be it. He led the van forward into the hail of crossbow bolts his own infantry following behind and holding the flanks against the Greeks stradioti. Somewhat to his surprise the Greeks held back the first charge. Undaunted his knights unleashed a second charge. Then a third. The damn villeins might have wavered when his horse was killed under him and he fell to the ground. A hale knight might still stand upright and mount his horse, after all mounting his horse on his own while in full armor was one of a knight's tests. But Guy was ill and feverish and in the thick of the fight from the start. He fainted as he fell. Worse luck the Allagion commander opposite him noticed and rushed his soldiers forward. As the cry that the duke was down was raised the Franks wavered. Then Philanthropenos unleashed his own heavy cavalry under Theodore at the wavering Franks and their line broke...

Mantineia, August 16th, 1308

Guy II De La Roche barely managed to open his eyes despite the best efforts of the doctors. The two Vatatzes brothers exchanged a look between them and left the tent. They knew enough to understand the poor man would likely not survive the night. It was slightly unfortunate, the duke would be worth quite a ransom but it didn't really matter. The Latin army had been routed and their Stratiotai were still pursuing its remnants just as the Greek peasantry attacked stragglers. The Achaean castles were still standing but it would be years before Latin Greece would be able to raise any short of army.

Dafni monastery, Attica, October 5th, 1308

Guy II was interred in the crypt along with his forefathers. Seven weeks had passed since the disaster at Mantineia. Vostitza had surrender at the news without a fight as soon as the despotate's army had reached it. In Patras, Raynier, the Latin archbishop was made of sterner stuff and had refused to surrender but was under siege from both land and sea. Michael Kantakouzenos on news of the defeat had freely interpreted his emperors wishes and marched his own army to besiege Nauplion and Argos. Ioannis as soon as Guy was dead had send his brother with the body and peace feelers to Athens. The proposal was simple. Theodore was to marry Maud and become despot of Athens. Or the war could continue. Gossip said the young widow had gotten enamored with Theodore and if it was up to her would had accepted the proposal. But the Achaean High Court had not. They had decreed that heir to the duke was not his widow but his cousin Walter V of Brienne and for good measure had shipped Maud off to Naples in a Venetian ship.

Neopatras, Thessaly, October 10th, 1308

John II Angelos Doukas ordered his forces to eject the Athenian garrisons from Thessaly. Guy II, his fathers uncle, had been acting as his regent since he had come to the throne as a child in 1303. But with Guy dead, his bailli Anthony le Flamenc back to Athens trying to hold the duchy together till Walter came and himself just barely of age there was little reason to keep as an Athenian protectorate...

Kassandreia, October 15th, 1308

Bernat de Rocafort thought carefully over the news from the south. The Catalans after pillaging Thrace had moved west to Macedonia hoping to get more loot. They had already raided Thessaly and looted the monasteries of Mount Athos. But the Catalans were growing weary and wanted somewhere to settle down while Berat had ambitions. Big ambitions. The duchy of Athens was up there for the pickings. The Catalan company would march south as soon as weather allowed...

 

[Lascaris]

Aachen January 6th, 1309

Henry of Luxembourg was crowned as king of the Romans with six out of the seven imperial electors voting for him. Come July, pope Clement V would confirm Henry as king and agree to crown him as emperor in exchange of promises to protect and defend the rights of the pope and to go on crusade. But marching to Rome to be crowned emperor and trying to liberate the holy land would have to wait as the newly crowned king had to campaign to Bohemia first.

Avignon, March 9th, 1309

Clement V moved his seat to Avignon from Rome. The pope since his election had not set foot to Italy preferring his native France instead but still his decision to make it official would prove something of a shock across Latin Christedom. Particularly in Sicily, riven by apocalyptic fervor after resuming communion with the Holy See in the aftermath of the peace of Ischia and under the increasing influence of the teachings of Arnau de Vilanova and the Franciscan Spirituals the decision would not be taken particularly well only increasing the urgency felt by king Frederick and many of his subjects to prepare for the coming apocalypse and war with the hosts of evil.

Messina, April 15th, 1309

A squadron of 20 more galleys set sail for the east. With news of the crushing victory the despotate's army had won in Mantineia the previous year it had not taken Alexandros Vatatzes much difficulty to convince the despotate's communes to man the ships. The parliament held at Messina at Christmas had confirmed this with overwhelming majority and the entire fleet of the Despotate of the Two Sicilies, carefully rebuilt with new three banked galea sottili to its numbers prior to the defeat at Cape Orlando a decade before had been set on a war footing. Nearly the entire nobility of Latin Greece was either dead or captured at Mantineia. Conquest and loot were out there for the taking...

Patras, May 1st, 1309

Raynier, Latin archbishop of Patras signed over the document Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes handed him. The little bastard was supposed to be a catholic. He just happened to follow the Greek rite as had Michael VIII post Lyon. A convenient fiction back in Sicily were for the past generation Ioannis father supporting by all means the Basilians and the local Greeks at the cost of the true church under the same convenient fiction. But the realities on the ground were that Patras, under siege for the past 9 months could not hold out any longer. So when Ioannis had offered him 10,000 ducats for his feudal rights on Patras it had been a deal he couldn't refuse. Not when the alternative was the Greeks storming the city and putting every Latin to the sword.

Naples, May 5th, 1309

Charles II of Anjou died. His son Robert would succeed him to the throne of what the Angevins still claimed as the kingdom of Sicily. The new king, the third of his dynasty was certainly more capable than his late father but the challenges he was going to face were certainly formidable. In Sicily king Frederick III was feeling increasingly constrained from his title of king of Trinacria and was starting to claim to be "king of the island of Sicily" with tensions between the two kings rising.

Thebes, July 1309

Walter I, duke of Athens cursed. He had landed in Athens the previous month to be men with what amounted to disaster. Nearly the entire knighthood of the duchy was either dead or in Sicilian prisons, effectively his only knghts were the ones he had brought with himself from France. The principality of Achaea was gone, the only thing stopping the Greeks from taking Attica, for now at least, was that Philanthropenos was besieging the Corinth. From the north the Catalans had crossed Thessaly were its despot had allied with Epirus annd the Byzantines to fend them off and were advancing into the lands of the duchy. As for his coast... Sicilian ships had almost captured him on the way to Athens and were still praying just outside the coast.

Tinos island, August 15th, 1309

The men of the garrison looked with dismay at the 40 galleys under the walls. George I Ghisi the lord of Tinos had been killed the previous year at Mantineia. The duke at Naxos William I Sanudo had survived the disaster but was of questionable help, in the past William and the Ghisis had gone to war over a donkey and Naxos was also under attack. Surrender looked to be the better option. George's wife Alice dalle Carceri asked for terms. Her young son could still be triarch of Negreponte, neither the Sicilians nor the Catalans dared touch Euboea and court Venice's hostility, after all. Tinos surrendered.

Athens, September 1309

Walter took count of his situation. He had tried to bring the Catalans to his service. De Rocafort had just dismissed his offers outright and with Walter having no army to speak of had begun taking the duchy's fortresses one after the other. Bodonitsa and Thebes were gone and now the Catalans had him under siege in the Acropolis while De Rocafort had married his cousin Jeannete, Guy II sister and proclaimed himself duke of Athens. This was not a fight he could win, he had to seek terms, but seek terms from a bunch of commoners? it was sticking to his crawl. He would fight on. Who knew perhaps Bernat would pick a fight with Vatatzes and give him an opportunity.

Porto Leone (Piraeus) October 1309

"So we meet again your highness. It's been what 7 years since your father had me fighting on your side in Calabria?"

Ioannis gave De Rocafort a tight smile. "Something like that yes. We've both gone places in the meantime. So what's going to be Bernat? Peace or war?"

"It depends. What do you offer?"

"The islands are mine for a start."

De Rocafort gave a shrug. "You have the fleet and I do not. What else?"

"We'll leave you do as you please here in Athens. You want to call yourself duke of Athens, be my guest, Syracuse will recognize you. The fiefs De la Roche held in the Morea though? These are ours. You stay north we stay south and everyone will be happy."

"I think we have a deal" For now it was left unsaid.

 

[Lascaris]

Venice, December 25th, 1309

It was Christmas. The churches were nevertheless closed as Venice was under papal interdiction after coming to blows with the papacy over control of Ferrara the previous year. The interdiction and the conflict with the papacy was affecting Venetian policy elsewhere. Calls to intervene in support of the Duchy of the Archipelago earlier in the year had been refused as it had been considered too risky to go to war with Vatatzes when it could be an alliance between Vatatzes of the Hospitalers and Genoa throwing its lot with them. The Serenissima would have to wait for more opportunate times. But Venice had a long memory...

Patras, April 1310

The soldiers of Alexios Philanthropenos begun loading to the transports that would bring them back to Messene. In four years he had led his army in the Morea from victory to victory, eliminating Frankish power. Now it was time to return to his new home. Ioannis and Theodore would remain behind for a while more organizing the newly liberated lands, before Ioannis returned too. Theodore would not, on the other hand as he would be made ketepano of Hellas governing in the name of his father.

Athens, July 15th, 1310

One hundred Almogavars sneaked into the Acropolis. after managing to bribe some of the starving guards. Walter after having held out for over a year would not survive the night. The Duchy of Athens, minus De La Roche's holdings and Aegina was now securely in Catalan hands. An Bernat, once a common soldier was now Bernat I duke of Athens. An ambitious man he begun organizing the army of his newly found duchy. Thessaly to the north beckoned. As did Epirus. Then... then he could revisit his deals with house Vatatzes. Or march north to Thessaloniki. He'd decide when the time came...

Rhodes, August 15th, 1310

The city of Rhodes finally surrendered to the Hospitalers. Fulque De Villaret, the knights grand master had amassed 35 galleys, 300 knights and over 3,000 infantry for the final successful push. Rhodes secured the Knights would turn their attentions in their surrounding region without much bothering about diplomatic niceties. After all god willed it.

Milan, January 6th, 1311

Henry VII was crowned king of Italy. But after being initially positively received by both the Guelph and the Ghibelline parties. But his initial popularity was quickly dissipating, at least with the Guelphs. Soon Henry would find himself embroiled in the siege of Cremona till April. Four more months would be wasted besieging Brescia. By the time the siege of Brescia was over and Henry had managed to reach Genoa it would be already September and Florence had allied herself with Lucca, Siena and Bologna to resist him.

Messina, April 1311

Work continued unabated rebuilding the fortifications of the city. Old fort Mategriffon, was being strengthened yet more. Now of course it was known as Neokastron, the new fortress, Alexandros grandfather Frederick II, had called the fortress Castrum Novum and Alexandros and the Messinese had brought the name back to use, somehow calling it "Greek killer" was not popular with either. A new fortress named Hagia Anna was getting completed to protect the port with another fort being built to strengthen the landward fortifications. Work, already underway for the past two years should be complete by Christmas.

Syracuse, Grand Harbor, July 1311

Another ten galleys were completed and put to the shipping pens. Neither Syracuse's nor Messina's shipyards could match in efficiency these of Venice and Genoa or for the matter Constantinople. Yet at least. Alexandros had ambitions and after nearly a decade of peace the part of Sicily under his control was fast growing. In the meantime the existing yards more than sufficed for the work needed from them.

Corinth, September 1311

Theodore Doukas Lascaris, freshly minted katepano of Hellas was getting agitated. The Hospitalers after capturing Rhodes were becoming a nuisance. They had seized Karpathos for the Venetians, seized Genoese merchantmen for trading with Mameluke Egypt which Clement V had forbidden and raided the despotate's holdings of Kos and Leros. Genoa had complained and been ignored as had Venice. His own envoys to Rhodes did not have any more luck. The Genoese had apparently already bribed the emir of Menteshe to attack Rhodes. His own fleet had clashed with the knights galleys but his father's orders from Syracuse were he should avoid all out war with the knights, Alexandros was apparently becoming wary of the situation back home and wanted to avoid a direct confrontation.

Vienne, March 22nd, 1312

Clement V succumbed to pressure from French king Philip IV and disbanded the Templar knights. It would prove good news for the Hospitalers who would be granted the Templars holdings and financial assets by the pope. A few days later the church council held at Vienne, would declare a crusade, order the collection of tithes across Europe... but then fail to decide where the crusade for which tithes were being collected should take place.

Lateran, June 29th, 1312

Henry VII was proclaimed Holy Roman emperor, in the palace of Lateran. German troops had forced their way into Rome earlier in May but had failed to take over the entire city, Angevin troops held the area around St Peter's basilica making impossible its use for the coronation. All attempts for compromise with Robert I had so far ended in failure, Robert had even demanded that Henry leave within four days. This would not do. It would be all out war from now on.

Palermo, July, 1312

"Hence it is the duty of every Christian king to come to the aid of the Holy Roman emperor. By fulfilling our Christian duty, we gain honor, Henry is proclaiming my majesty admiral of the Holy Roman Empire and we destroy once and for all the Angevin threat to Sicily. I'm asking for this parliament to agree to the alliance offered us and for the kingdom of Sicily to support the imperial cause with all the forces we can amass."

Applaud met Frederick's speech from most of the parliament. Most but not all.

"You are calling for the resumption of war with Naples. What are we going to gain from such war? We have been doing well for the past decade. The country is prospering. The peace aside from that scuffle over the Tunisian tribute is holding. What is this country going to gain from restarting the war?"

Frederick looked at his uncle with some disdain. He never liked people opposing him or telling him he was wrong. "Honor demands we follow the emperor. Even a Greek can understand this? "

Alexandros remained unperturbed "Henry is neither holy, nor Roman nor an emperor. I would have a better claim to the German crown than he does, had I wanted to claim it. I am Frederick's grandson. What is HIS claim to the crown? That a bunch of German princes selected by the pope proclaimed him one? I asked again. What is this country going to gain from starting a war against your brother in law?"

"God and honor will it. And the Angevins peace or no peace are a threat. One that we can now deal with once and for all."

"The pope is already telling Henry not to attack Robert. Given his French connections we can take for granted he will back the Angevins. As will the king of France. So victory is hardly as assured as you think."

"Me and Sicilian arms will assure it. Then Sicily will be free from the Angevin threat and be able to take her place in the lead of the Christian world for the fight in the end of times."

Alexandros suppressed the need to curse Arnaud de Villanova for the millennial garbage he had put to Frederick's and much of the realm's minds and pressed on. 'What will be the outcome of this war? If we lose it we are ruined. If we win it Henry will control all of Germany and Italy and will want to rule us as well. We will be exchanging a threat in Naples with an even greater threat."

"The emperor will be turning on his own loyal allies? Only a Greek would think such treason possible and use it as an excuse to shirk from his duty."

"Apparently my father was right in this as well then. In our race of the Greeks wisdom rules. Your majesty should be happy so many of the inhabitants of this island are Greek. But I understand our presence here is neither needed nor wanted. Ten years ago you had no trouble to have your peace with the House of Anjou without us. You can now have your war without us as well."

Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes left the chamber followed by the representatives of the communes of eastern Sicily. The remainder of the parliament overwhelmingly vote for allying with Henry and fighting by his side.

 

[Lascaris]

Neopatras (Ypati), July 1312

Bernat I, duke of Athens led his army in an invasion of Thessaly. John II sebastokrator and ruler of Thessaly was considered, not without reason as a weak ruler and the Catalans were aggressive and hungry for more land, the duchy did not suffice for all of them and large numbers of their former Turkish allies had left them to return to Anatolia or take up service with the Serb king when Bernat had did not have enough money to pay for all of them. But still the Catalan army, was 5,000 strong and too formidable for most opponents. By winter the Catalans would be in control of no less that 30 forts all over Thessaly.

Off Amorgos, August 1312

The Genoese envoys had first gone to Rhodes demanding compensation for the ships taken by the Knights. When refused by the Knights they had sailed back to Corinth offering Theodore 50,000 florins to take to the sea against the Hospitallers. When turned down by Theodore they had gone to Mesud bey of Menteshe. Mesud had felt no compunctions about getting paid to attack Rhodes, in all likelihood he would had attacked the island even unpaid. And thus war had returned to the Aegean. With Genoese, Menteshe and the Knights raiding each other and every merchant ship in sight Theodore had taken to see as well, Hospitaller attacks on the despotate's domains could not be left unanswered nor could the despotate's new found island possessions be left undefended alienating their populations.

And thus Theodore had found himself outside Amorgos at the head of 25 galleys. His scouts had reported the presence of the Hospitaller fleet with 26 galleys under Albert von Schwarzburg. But they had also reported that Mesud's fleet had landed in the island. And this was not something to be taken lightly. Amorgos was part of the despotate. And thus Theodore had offered to parley...

Albert von Schwarzburg looked critically at the young man in front of him.

"So you are proposing that you schismatics, yes I know your father pretends to believe the union back in 1274 still holds, join forces with us and attack the Turks instead?"

"First work then fun. Schismatic or not schismatic we are all Christian. Fighting the Turk should take precedence should it not?"

"And then?"

"Then we can kill each other at our leisure. Or not. The order took over Rhodes as a base to continue fighting the Muslims have you not? You even offered to become vassals of the emperor, and if you think my father a schismatic, then you were offering to become vassals of the arch-schismatic were you not? Perhaps we can find common ground. Or not. Lets fight together today and we shall see."

Albert shook his head and then shook hands with the youngster.

History would write that not a single Turkish ship survived the ensuing battle of Amorgos.

Syracuse, January 1313

"His majesty orders you one last time as your lawful sovereign to join with the imperial forces"

"I get Frederick has learned nothing of the failure of Henry to take Florence back in October. Has he?"

"What his majesty learns or not is not for you duke to decide. Will you follow his orders or not?"

"Despot." Alexandros absentmindedly noted.

"I beg your pardon?"

"Despot of Sicily. One would had hoped that after 35 years you people would had learned so much?"

Francesco Ventimiglia, count of Geraci, wasn't much bothered. "No duke. Who am I to disagree. Will you follow his majesty's orders? Yes or no?"

"No."

Francesco turned around without a word and left. But the smile in his face could not be missed. His county was bordering Alexandros lands. When the king finally dealt with the pretentious Greek his family, already one of the most influential in the kingdom along with the Chiaramonte was bound to gain. Gain a lot.

Naples, January 1313

"You do understand I hope, that the position of my father is delicate." Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes noted to his brother in law.

"I don't see why you would say so. He is vassal to the idiot in Palermo for his holdings in Sicily, vassal to me for his holdings in Calabria and you are vassal to me for the principality of Achaea, even though your administration of it is highly irregular. Oh and technically both of you are vassals to the emperor in Constantinople. And I'll be damn if you feel bound to any of us. I'm certain Alexandros can fight against himself, where would be the problem."

Ioannis politely smiled at Robert's quip and sipped from his wine as he waited.

"Very well. You can tell Alexandros I won't be complicating his life this time. As long as you people remain strictly neutral I'll be more than happy."

Pisa, April 26th, 1313

The imperial court sentenced Robert I of Anjou to death. Outside from the emperor outright proclaiming war on the Angevins and also bringing himself into open conflict with the papacy, who's jurists refused the right of the emperor to proclaim sentences against Robert who was the pope's direct vassal it meant nothing. The fate of Robert and Italy would be determined in the battlefield.

Fontainebleau, July 29th, 1313

Philip I of Taranto, married Catherine of Courtenay, titular empress of Constantinople. Hugh V duke of Burgundy, who was originally betrothed to Catherine would instead be betrothed to Joan of France, with his sister Joan marrying instead Catherine's brother Philip of Valois and the house of Burgundy receiving 40,000 livres from the Anjou's.

Buonconvento, Italy, August 24th, 1313

Emperor Henry VII had finally begun his campaign against Naples two weeks earlier leading an army of 15,000 including 4,000 knights while at sea a joint Sicilian-Pisan fleet, including Genoese Ghibelline ships was led by Frederick III in person against Naples. But the German army had been delayed till August by having to put Siena under siege. By the time the imperials finally marched down the army was being ravaged by malaria including Henry. Henry would succumb to it along many of his soldiers...

 

[Lascaris]

Palermo, February 1314

Ferdinand of Majorca married Isabella of Sabran. Since Isabella was daughter of Margaret Villeharduin the second daughter of William II, the late prince of Achaea this gave Ferdinand a claim on the principality. One backed by the house of Aragon...

Avignon, April 1314

Pope Clement V died. His death would spark a crisis in the church as French cardinals clashed with Italian cardinals over the election of the new pope and returning the papacy to France or returning it to Italy. It would take two years till a new pope was finally elected.

Palermo, June 1314

The Sicilian parliament proclaimed Peter, Frederick III's son heir to the throne of Sicily, openly tearing down the provisions of the treaty of Caltabellotta about Sicily being Trinacria and reverting to Naples after the death of Frederick. Of course with war already restart after the Sicilians had joined up in the imperial attack of Siciy, maintaining the treaty provisions was somewhat moot. Following the death of Henry VII, king Robert was not particularly willing to forget the attack on him. But neither were the Sicilians willing to offer terms to secure peace.

Halmyros, Thessaly, July 1314

John II of Thessaly had been forced to call for imperial aid against the Catalan encroachment of his realms. Michael IX Palaiologos had marched south to his aid, and no doubt im hopes of securing Thessaly for the empire at the head of an army that for certain considerably outnumbered the Catalans. but despite its numbers his army was severely lacking in cohesion and discipline consisting for the most part of peasant levies and mercenaries. At the news of the Catalans approaching the peasants had fled. Then the mercenaries had start to slip away. Michael, personally "one of the bravest knights in the world" as the Catalan chronicler Ramon Muntaner would write, found himself nearly on his own as his army virtually melted under him and was forced to retreat as the Catalans put the port of Demetrias under siege.

Trapani, October 1314

Robert d' Anjou had first landed in Castellamare. From there his forces had raided the countryside, not good in a country that had already suffered three bad harvests in a row before moving further west to besiege Trapani. Here the Angevin advance had been checked though between the Sicilians army holding the mountains near the city and a fleet of 44 galleys coming from Palermo to the defenders aid. But while the Angevins may have failed to take Trapani, the Sicilians had also failed to dislodge them and faced problrms of their own as Frederick lacked money and provisions. Orders had been sent to the east to requision both from Vatatzes lands, careful management there and trade with the east meant they had weathered the last few years much better than the parts of Sicily under direct royal rule. But Alexandros had refused requisitions. Frederick could buy grain and provisions for cash. It was only too bad that he did not have cash in the fist place. And it was just bad lack that Robert had money and could buy the very same provisions Frederick could not afford. And thus with neither of the two kings able to make any headway against the other they had agreed to a two year truce. War would resume in 1317. Or perhaps not.

Demetrias, April 1315

Bernat I of Rocafort received the Sicilian envoys in the recently conquered city. His campaign in Thessaly now in its third year was progressing well between John II's weakness and Michael's inability to stop him the previous year. Neopatras and Demetrias were already in Catalan hands and his army hadd already marched to besiege Larisa when the envoys came to bring him the request of his majesty Frederick III, king of Sicily, no longer Trinacria he noted to himself, to invade the principality of Achaea in support of Ferdinard of Majorca. An interesting proposition this one. The Morea was a rather tougher nut to crack that Thessaly. But a rich one. And it wouldn't be a good idea to forgo the requests of the House of Barcelona. Not when most of his men still felt loyal to them and he was bound to need their support. As soon as Larisa fell. No reason to let the effort already spent them go to waste. In the meantime his own envoys good go to Aydin to recruit mercenaries...

Castrogiovanni, June 1315

The Sicilian parlianent, sans the representatives of eastern Sicily who had refused to join and had instead held a rival parliament in Catane proclaimed "Alexandros, the schismatic so called duke of Syracuse" a traitor to the kingdom of Sicily and condemned him to death. The royal army was already on the march to invade Vatatzes holdings just as the Sicilian fleet took to the sea.

Glarentza, Peloponnese, July 1315

Infante Ferdinand, landed near the port at the head of 500 knights and a large number of infantrymen. He would soon be joined by John II Orsini in besieging the city. The count palatine of Cephalonia was the only of the great Achaean lords to survive Vatatzes invasion by surrendering when he had the opportunity. But this did not mean he liked his new overlords. If nothing else his three sisters had all been married to various dispossessed lords in the principality. Then they were too overbearing for his tastes. Sooner or later Theodore would find an excuse to try to remove him. Better preempt him...

 

[Lascaris]

Sicily, July 1315

Another man fell down from heatstroke, as the Sicilian army marched on to Syracuse. Potable water was sparse as wells in the path of the army were poisoned. The army of the despot was nowhere to be found. Neither was the harvest. The threshing had been complete a few weeks ago and Alexandros had made certain that as much as possible was secured. The peasants, the ones that had not run off to the fortresses had made certain to hide the rest lest it not end in the hands of the armies marching through their fields. Of course Frederick had sent out men to forage and such men had ways of... persuading the peasants to part with their food supply when they fell to their hands. But if Frederick's army hadn't met Alexandros army, the same had not been true for his foraging parties. Philanthropenos cavalry was out in force leaving leaving behind it a trail of Sicilian soldiers cut down in ambushes or found on stakes. And yet Frederick's army marched on, despite the difficulties.

Mystras, July 1315

This time Theodore had not come in person to ask for aid, he was mustering the army to take on the Catalan invaders. But he did not need to. Epitropos Kantakouzenos had no intention of exchanging a friendly neighbor that at least in theory paid fealty to the basileus with another bunch of Catalans. His army, under his son Ioannis, he was too old to lead it in person, would march to join up his Achaean brethren.

Syracuse, July 22nd, 1315

It had taken Frederick three weeks to reach Syracuse. Having reached it, he had called on Alexandros to surrender to royal justice. Alexandros had of course refused. Properties observed, Frederick had then challenged Alexandros either to give battle or to single combat only for Alexandros to refuse once more, even saying he was fighting a war not a game, an unchivalrous action that did not fail to scandalize Frederick's knights and Frederick himself. No other options left Frederick set down on besieging Syracuse. As Robert Anjou had learned during the war of the Vespers It was no easy task. Alexandros had spent over 550,000 ducats back in the 1280s building up the fortifications of Syracuse with further improvements built in since then. The ancient fortress of Euryalus had been built anew, as had been the fortifications of Ortygia and the Grand Harbor and the walls connecting the city with Euryalus effectively restoring the defensive system of ancient times. If there was a drawback in the fortifications it was that Alexandros had been perhaps overly ambitious and had built too big, with large areas within the walls being empty and the entire length of the walls being almost 31 kilometers, the current city was after all just a fraction of the size of the ancient one. All the empty space within the walls was proving useful in sheltering the peasantry. But it also needed more men to properly defend...

Messina, July 28th, 1315

The port was in a flurry of activity as men, horses and supplies from Calabria were crossing over to Messina, covered by a fleet of thirty galleys. The entire army of the despotate in Calabria was being transferred to Sicily. Under normal circumstances Ioannis, in command of the Despotate forces, would be wary of the Angevins. But Robert had given Ioammis assurances of his neutrality. And conveniently the Neapolitan army, under Philip prince of Taranto had marched north to join with the Florentines n a campaign against Pisa...

Larisa, August 1315

An imperial army under Philis Palaiologos had come to the aid of the city, supported by Serb mercenaries ad a detachment of Epirote soldiers sent by depot Thomas I came to the support of the besieged city. While smallish, this new imperial army would prove much more effective, that Michael's the previous year. The siege of Larisa would be prolonged as Bernat had to split his efforts between Philis and the besieged.

Manolada, Peloponnese, August 5th, 1315.

Ferdinand of Majorca and John II Orsini had been forced to lift the siege of Glarenza to meet the Achaean army under Theodore Lascaris. Their joint army a bit over 3,000 men including 600 knights, had been outnumbered by Theodore's 4,000 men but they did not have many other options aside from giving battle. A week earlier the reinforcements Ferdinand was hoping for had indeed come when 10 galleys from Majorca had showed up off Glarenza, only to be set upon by Theodore's fleet of 25 galleys and destroyed before they could land their men and supplies. And thus Ferdinand and John had given battle hoping their knights would carry the date before Kantakouzenos army, another 3,000 men would join Theodore giving him crushing numerical superiority. They would fail in both calculations. The knights and for that matter Ferdinand's Almogavars would not manage to break Theodore's infantry squares, nor best his pronoia cavalry. And then Kantakouzenos army had managed to reach the field in time turning what was going to be a defeat into a rout. Both Ferdinand and John would perish on the battlefield...

 

[Lascaris]

Montecatini, Tuscany, August 29th, 1315

Robert of Anjou had taken advantage of the truce with Sicily to take on the Ghibellines. A joint Angevin-Florentine army with over 3,000 cavalry and 30,000 infantry commanded by Robert's brother Philip of Taranto had invaded the Republic of Pisa. The Pisans under the leadership of Uguccione della Faggiuola had been severely outnumbered managing to field 3,000 horse and 20,000 infantry. But Uguccione would prove a far better commander dealing the Guelphs their worst defeat in two generations. Philip's younger brother Peter of Gravina, his son Charles of Taranto and hundreds of Florentine nobles would fall in the battle.

Larisa, September 1st, 1315

Bernat I de Rocafort was unamused from the news coming from the south. The Majorcan invasion of Achaea had ended in disaster. His own men were not particularly happy he had left Ferdinand to fend for himself, technically Athens had failed to go to war with Achaea. At least he had the excuse of the continuing siege of Larisa to give his grumbling soldiers. And the loot from the galleys raiding the Aegean out of Piraeus did not hurt either. The question was what was Theodore going to do after his victory? And what should he do? Frederick had sent his illegitimate son Alfonso as his representative to Athens and the young man was proving popular with the soldiery.

Morgarten, Switzerland, November 15th, 1315

The men of the three cantons of the Swiss Confederacy charged the invading Austrian army. The Austrians taken by surprise in marching order and worse yet in narrow terrain that did niot allow them to deploy would be routed with heavy casualties, the Swiss would not observe knightly niceties and just massacre everyone. That their halberd armed infantry could successfully take on heavily armed knights would not be lost on the victorious Confederates.

Girona, November 17th, 1315

James II of Aragon, married Marie of Lusignan, the sister of Henry II of Cyprus. Since Henry II was childless James hoped he'd succeed him in the throne of Cyprus. Meanwhile Aragonese efforts to conquer Sardinia continued unabated. But between the ever postponed conquest of Sardinia and diplomatic marriages James was leaving his brother in Sicily to fend on his own. The only thing James would do to support Frederick was offering tax deferments to any Aragonese citizen willing to enter Sicilian service.

Syracuse, December 25th, 1315

The siege of the city entered its sixth month. The besiegers had failed to make any gain against the fortifications, Frederick's army of 10,000 men was too small to storm the city and too big for Alexandros to force away. Thus the siege went on with Frederick hoping to starve out the city. It wasn't going to be the easiest of things, with Philanthropenos raiding the Sicilian rear and Ioannis fleet intermittently supplying the city, the Sicilians had more ships but not so many they could maintain a tight blockade.

Larisa, January 1316

The city had finally fallen but the Catalan soldiery, with a little bit of gold and intrigue spread around by Alfonso had had enough. Bernat was assassinated with the company proclaiming Frederick's younger son Manfred duke of Athens. Alfonso who was largely responsible for the coup and the removal of Bernat would become the duchy's vicar general on behalf of his absent brother.

Arta, February 1316

Nicholas and John Orsini escaped to the court of their uncle Thomas despot of Epirus. Thomas while not particularly happy couldn't quite refuse sanctuary to his sister's sons. Following the disaster at Manolada, Theodore had led his fleet and army against the Orsini holdings. In Zakynthos the peasantry had risen up to join with the invaders, In Cephalonia they had not but they had not supported the small garrison left to the Orsini either. And thus the two brothers had considered fleeing as more prudent than trying to stand up to Theodore and losing. Thomas only hoped, Theodore would not treat the brothers as an excuse to invade. After all if his spies were correct Alexandros had ordered his younger son to come to his aid in Sicily...

 

[Lascaris]

Rhodes, March 1316

Leo Kalothetos sook hands with Foulques de Villaret. Theodore wanted to take his entire fleet west but was very much aware of the danger piratical raids from the Turkish emirates and the Athenian Catalans could pose to the despotate's coasts. Thus Theodore had turned to the Hospital for support. Leo had initially found the choice odd. But he had to admit it was actually making sense. The relation between the Despotate and the Knights had steadily improved since they had fought side by side at Amorgos and Villaret had run the Knights heavily into debt, so the 100,000 ducats Theodore and Alexandros had offered in five yearly installments were more than welcome. Besides the Hospital closely followed papal policy and while no pope existed at the moment, the Holy See was traditionally supporting the Angevins over the Catalans and Alexandros now was effectively fighting on the Angevin side. And if as Theodore had slyly commented the knights were less likely to become unmanageable, unlike Venice or Genoa... why he was right about it was he not?

Messina, April 1316

Dozens of war galleys and transports reached the port. Theodore was back in Sicily, back in force. Within two days he would be marching at the head of four thousand men including five hundred heavy and as many light horse to join his uncle's army at Etna. Ioannis would wait another couple of days before he took the join fleet of the Despotate of Sicily south.

Corinth, May 1316

Alfonso, looked, not without concern at the Acrocorinth. He had signed a truce with John II of Thessaly and then led his army south. But you couldn't invade Achaea before first reducing Corinth. And this didn't look to be an easy task...

Syracuse, May 1st, 1316

The siege had entered its tenth month the previous week. The besieged were not showing any sign of giving up and surrendering but, Frederick was not giving any sign of giving up either, despite his army and fleet steadily losing men to disease and raids. After all his forces might had not been able to cut off all supplies to the city but it was being kept under blockade for nearly a year by now. Surely Syracusan supplies would run out sooner rather than later. Then runners came to Frederick's camp that dozens of sails had been detected coming from the east. Frederick had time only to rush to join his men in the fleet.

Epipolae, Syracuse, May 2nd, 1316

Sicilian soldiers put to fire their siege engines, there was no time to dismantle them. The previous day the fleet of the kingdom of Sicily, 45 galleys strong had been caught between the fortifications of the Grand Harbor and the fleet of the Despotate of Sicily under Ioannis Vatatzes with 70 galleys. None could say the Sicilians of the kingdom had not given a good account of themselves, the despotate's fleet had lost over a dozen galleys. But the kingdom's fleet had been decimated losing 29 galleys and over six thousand men. And Ioannis fleet had been fighting right outside the Grand Harbor. Damaged ships had found refuge there right away and yet more boats and ships had been there to save men from lost ships from drowning. Frederick had survived the battle only to receive more bad news as soon as he was on land. Philanthropenos was fast approaching Syracuse from the north at the head of an army, his scouts claimed to be thousands of men threatening to catch Frederick between him and Alexander. And thus Frederick had ordered to lift the siege with all haste and march west to escape the danger.

Maroglio river, Sicily, May 9th, 1316

Frederick had retreated towards Gela to give him some distance from Philanthropenos army. His quick retreat from Syracuse had allowed him to escape the trap Alexios and Alexandros had set for him, but had allowed his two opponents to join forces and come after his retreating army, forcing him to battle. Frederick has nearly a thousand knights, about as many as Alexandros, in addition to 1,500 jinetes, Spanish light cavalry and over seven thousand infantry including a large number of almogavars. But Alexandros for once outnumbers his opponent thanks to the reinforcements brought by Theodore, with over ten thousand infantry, including three thousand pikemen and 14,000 men overall. Both men, not without reason have confidence in the quality of their armies. It is numbers, Philanthropenos superior talent and the inability of Frederick's cavalry to deal with the Greek pikemen, never before met in a western battlefield, that decide the battle. Alexandros does lose about a thousand men but by the time the pursuit is over Frederick's army has lost four times as many.

Gela, May 12th, 1316

Alexandros looked at the small delegation that had come from the town.

"So have you come to discuss..."

The words were cut short as the misericorde suddenly flashed in the hand of the third delegate and he jumped on the despot, under the horrified looks of the other two envoys. By the time Alexandros bodyguards and Ioannis had subdued the assailant it would be too late. Alexandros, would die less than an hour later from the bleeding. The assassin would claim under interrogation that he was in his right to kill Alexandros as the Sicilian parliament had condemned him to death. Frederick would give credence to the claim by giving the assassin, or rather his heirs, a pension for services rendered the kingdom. Ioannis and Theodore, unimpressed by the argument would execute him for regicide...

 

[Lascaris]

Naples, July 1316

Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes looked across the table at his brother in law. Unsurprisingly they had come to a deal. Ioannis would proclaim fealty to Robert, as despot of Sicily. Robert would confirm Ioannis as despot of Sicily, Duke of Calabria and prince of Achaea. And come next year when the truce between Robert and Frederick would end, he would resume the war against Sicily, this time in conjunction with the Vatatzes brothers. The parts of Val di Noto and and Val Demone controlled by Frederick would be passed to the despotate which already controlled most of the territory of the two Valli. Val di Mazara in the west would be directly annexed by Robert. Assuming of course it could be conquered in the first place...

Gela, August 1316

The town fell to the army of Alexios Philanthropinos. With Alexandros dead, some people might have worried about Philanthropinos loyalties. But Alexis was in excellent terms with his nephews and did not forget how much he owned to their father. If Frederick or anyone back in Greece hoped that with Alexandros dead Alexios would turn on the Vatatzes brothers, or the brothers would turn on each other, they were going to be sorely disappointed.

Palermo, August 1316

The night skyline was lit from the fires that burned around the city. Fifty despotate galleys had descended upon the capital of the kingdom. They hadn't bothered with the fortifications, these were likely too strong for them. Instead they had pillaged anything that could be moved and burned down anything that could not be moved. It had hardly been the first raid since the victory in Syracuse. It was hardly going to be the last...

Kos, September 1316

The raiders from Menteshe were chased away by a quartet of Hospitaller galleys. The coastal Turkish emirates and the Catalans had not failed to take advantage of the absence of Theodore's fleet to launch even more raids against the Aegean islands and the Achaean coast than usual. They had not made any permanent gains, Theodore had left the island garrisons behind and the Knights had been true to their word and chased corsairs where and when they could. It was not much of a consolation for the peasants who would go hungry or end in a slave market. It never was.

Corinth, October 1316

Alfonso Fadrique, looked at the dozens of sails bearing the Lascarid double headed eagle approaching from the west with some dismay. He had hopes that after six months of siege the fortress was weakening. But he wasn't going to risk his army now that Theodore was back with God only knew how many Sicilian reinforcements after the defeat of his father back in May. Kantakouzenos was already operating an army out of Argos, skirmishing with his own. As soon as he was joined by Theodore they would likely be too strong for him. The Catalan army retreated to Megaris. Theodore landing in Corinth would give some perfunctory pursue but he did not have his heart in it. Michael Kantakouzenos had died while he was in Sicily and it was not yet known who would replace him as epitropos. In the meantime John Kantakouzenos was not going to march the army his late father had given him to command north of Corinth. Keeping the Catalans out of the Morea was one thing. Helping Theodore Vatatzes grab more land from the Franks another...

Mystras, November 1316

Andronikos Asen became the new epitropos of the Morea. A nephew of emperor Andronikos II from his sister Irene, his assignment appeared to Syracuse to signify the importance the emperor gave to the Peloponnese. It could just as well mean that Andronikos needed to give his namesake some assignment...

Constantinople, April 1317

When Adrianne had been born in 1294, her father Andronikos II had feared the baby girl would die. Thus she had been put under the icons of the twelve apostles with lit candles and the emperor promising she would be named after the apostle whose candle went out first. Fortunately for the baby it had been the candle of apostle Andrew and thus she had been baptized Adrianne. But the luck of the young princess would end there. Her father would marry her at the mere age of 5, and despite the objections of the church to Stefan Uros II Milutin the king of Serbia who was 41 years her senior and had had four previous marriages. Stefan had been a capable king, ostensibly pious, he dedicated one new church for each year of his reign and build the Hilandarion monastery in Mount Athos, who would be proclaimed a saint by the Serb church after his death. But he was also a brutal man who would blind his own son and apparently rape his child bride in the second night of their marriage, despite having promised he would not touch her till she reached puberty. Adrienne would still grow to a very beautiful and graceful young lady despite the abuse she had received by Milutin. Milutin would let her come to the City for the funeral of her mother Irene of Montferrat. But now she refused to return back to Serbia despite the threats coming from Skopje...

Theodore had come to Constantinople to secure the relation of his brother's realm with the empire following Alexandros death. He had been received well by Andronikos and Michael, with Andronikos granting to him as well the tittle of despot as he had done in the past with his brother. Perhaps the emperor hoped to drive a wedge between Theodore and Ioannis, a fruitless effort for all who had tried this so far. Perhaps he just hoped to secure Theodore's good graces and had been impressed by the youn man, he would not bethe first to be, as Theodore had proven very popular with the court and become good friends with Andronikos favorite grandson Andronikos, the elder son and heir apparent of Michael. Perhaps as Theodore at age 27 was still unmarried he could be tied by marriage to the throne, even though Andronikos at the moment did not have any unmarried daughters or granddaughters at the moment.

And then Theodore met Adrianne...

 

[Lascaris]

Arta, Epirus, April 11th, 1317

The men at arms hidden among the crowd jumped Thomas Angelos Doukas as he left the church from celebrating Easter Mass. Taken by surprise, or perhaps part of the plot his own bodyguards failed to react as the despot of Epirus was cut down in front of the church. The despot as of late had made many enemies. He had imprisoned his wife Anna Palaiologina, the daughter of co-emperor Michael IX and start a less than successful war against the empire, Imperial troops had marched all the way to Arta the previous year and had tried to resume his relations with the Angevins with less than stellar results since Philip of Taranto still claimed the despotate for himself. Then he had given refuge to the Orsini brothers, sons of his sister Maria, after their father had fallen in the battle of Manolada and Lascarid troops had captured the county palatinate of Cephalonia, while at the same time refusing them their Inheritance from their mother. This had brought him to conflict with the Vatatzes brothers as well. In the end it had been Nicholas Orsini the elder of the two brothers who had conspired to assassinate his uncle...

Arta, Epirus, April 25th, 1317

Two weeks had passed from the assassination of Thomas I of Epirus. Nicholas had brought Anna out of prison, arranged for his marriage with her and proclaimed himself Orthodox and the new despot of Epirus. The army in Arta had joined him. How Naples and Constantinople would react remained to be seen as Nicholas had dispatched envoys to both capitals. But for now Nicholas position while tenous looked relatively safe. It would prove a mistake. A fatal one for Nicholas as his own brother John murdered him in turn. John the more capable or perhaps the less scrupulous of the two brothers would proclaim he had done so to avenge the death of their uncle Thomas. Then he would proclaim himself despot as the sole legitimate heir of Thomas, naming himself Ioannis Angelos Doukas, join the Orthodox church and marry Anna himself...

Palermo, May 1317

Frederick III threw the letter from pope John XXII away. His holiness was demanding, that the king stopped giving refuge to the Spiritual Franciscans. He wasn't going to do so. John like his predecessors was supporting the house of Anjou against Frederick and his house. Frederick was not going to throw to the wolves true Christians popular with his subjects for such a man. After all his reverses last year were a sign from God he hadn't been properly prepared spiritually and materially for the role his house had to take in the coming end of times. Besides he had more serious troubles to deal with. His barons in the interior of Sicily were screaming for help as Philanthropinos men were raiding all over the place burning and stealing everything in their path and letting serfs and slaves run away. And the towns of the royal demense on the coast were also sending complaint after complaint to Palermo. Ioannis fleet was raiding the coast and seizing Sicilian merchant ships as were doing Angevingalleys. The only merchantmen that could ply their trade somewhat unscathed were Genoese ships under escort. And the troubles of the coastal towns were being even further exacerbated by conflicts with his own barons as the serfs escaped to the towns and the barons wanted them back and demanded from him more and more financial concessions on the towns as compensation for their troubles and continuing support of the crown...

Constantinople, May 30th, 1317

Adrienne Palaiologina, queen of Serbia, stole a glance at Theodore as the Imperial procession left Hagia Sophia. It was the Pentecost and it was also her last day in Constantinople. Her father had succumbed once more to the pressure of her so called husband and was sending her tomorrow back to him despite all her entreaties to the contrary. She wondered why she would expect otherwise when he had felt no compunction to throw her away to that monster at age five. But he was her father and the basileus. How could the vice-regent of Christ on Earth stoop so low as to be afraid of not just any barbarian but the scum that was Stefan. But she would follow her father's orders and leave the City. Whether she reached Milutin and his court... why that was a different question.

Constantinople, May 30th, 1317

Theodore emptied his glass of tsipouro and poured down more for himself and his two friends in the room as he nibbled at a piece of fried sausage, this thing was too strong to drink with an empty stomach.

"Damn these monks, in Hagion Oros, who invented this thing knew what they were doing. It his you way worse than wine. But back to our subject. Are you certain Theodore you want to get to all that trouble for my aunt? I know she's beautiful but she's also married to Milutin. Even if the marriage and how it happened is a disgrace for Rhomania. Damn my grandfather and his stupidity.."

Theodore's eyes grew steely. "Yes I am certain. Are you two with me?"

The third man in the room spoke before his impetuous friend could say yes. "What is your brother do Theodore?"

"Tell me I am stark crazy in private and back me to the hilt. As will uncle Alexios. After all even for a strict political calculation what can Milutin do against us? Send the fleet he does not have to attack Syracuse. Or send the allies he does not have in Italy to attack us? Are you with me Ioannis?"

Ioannis Kantakouzenos gave a shrug. "Yes I am. Worse comes to worse, you'll have me in Syracuse for the rest of our days."

Theodore and Ioannis turned to the third man in the room.

"You noticed Ioannis how our friend here, when calculating the political consequences didn't even bother to give any thought to the empire. That's how low my grandfather has brought us since my great grandfather died. Hell Yes I'm in.*

East of Thessaloniki, June 10th, 1317

Scouts had kept the royal party under discreet observation as it made its way west to Thessaloniki from where it was supposed to make its way north to Milutin's capital in Skopje waiting for an opportunity. None had come so far much to the frustration of Theodore and his friends who with a second party followed Adrianne at a suitable distance. Their excuse for gallivanating around Macedonia, ostensibly for Theodore to visit Mount Athos on his way back to the Peloponnese was starting to look thin. Then one more scout had come...

Ioannis looked at the man incredulously, his two friends were still laughing. " So to get this straight. Adrianne escaped on her own and run off to the monastery nearby?"

"Yes sir. Before leaving to come meet you my informant told me that her brother, was on his way to the monastery from Thessaloniki."

"That would be my uncle despot Constantine the governor of Thessaloniki. This may be our... oh ok. Ioannis we are on our way it seems"

Theodore was already jumping on his horse, his Moreots and Sicilians forming up...

 

[Lascaris]

East of Thessaloniki, June 10th, 1317

Despot Constantine, governor of Thessaloniki was frustrated. His half-sister had forced him to ride out of Thessaloniki in a hurry, to stop her from creating even more of a mess of things. He could not blame her for hating Milutin. But this hardy mattered. The good of the state required her to be brought to Milutin and if need be he would just tie her up a deliver her in person kicking and screaming if need be. And 5hus he had forcibly dragged her out of the monastery she has hidden. Then he noticed the three young men waiting for him outside the monastery.

"Andronikos, ioannis and I am afraid I don't know you." The third young man wore plain but very well made and very expensive armour. He was not very likely to be a commoner. Not wearing expensive plate perfect fitting him and being in the company of his nephew. So he would remain polite.

"Theodore Doukas Lascaris at your service."

"The younger Vatatzes" Constantine translated mentally. "So what brings you three, here?". He was afraid he knew what it was, rumors from the palace in Constantinople had already reached his own court in Thessaloniki.

"We came to take Adrianne. If she'll come with us of course. Adrianne?"

"Of course I'll come!"

"She is not going anywhere, I'll deliver her to her husband in person."

"This so called marriage has so many violations a court would have trouble deciding what reason for divorce to declare first.

Constantine shrugged. "I'm still bringing her to Milutin no matter what."

Theodore's face suddenly grew harsh. "No you don't. She's coming with us." He said flatly.

"I don't want to have my guards attack you. But if need..." he was cut mid sentence by Andronikos laughter.

"Oh look around you uncle."

He did and visibly flinched. While he was dragging Adrianne out of the monastery, his own guards had been subdued by Vatatzes men, they must have been Vatatzes and Andronikos men. "There will be grave consequences if you elope with the girl. I admonish you to think better. As for you two" he continued to Andronikos and Ioannis, "just think what will happen when the basileus learns of this."

Theodore was now outright disdainful. "I'm not the basileus to disband the army and the navy in my wisdom and then to fear the grave consequences from every barbarian..."

Theodore and Adrianne would ride away, to the despotate galleys waiting for them nearby. Ioannis prudently would go with them, unlike Andronikos he was not a direct member of the Imperial family. Better be away from Constantinople for a time, till the basileus calmed down. Andronikos would accompany his fuming uncle to Thessaloniki. There had been no violence but Constantine was not going to forget the insult from Theodore any time soon.

Constantinople, June 30th, 1317

Andronikos II Palaiologos, Faithful to Christ the God basileus of the Romans was livid. "Andronikos you are an idiot. In the name of friendship with that other idiot Lascaris you endangered the peace of the empire."

"I was just protecting my aunt. Which as you are well aware emphatically did not want to return to the court of Milutin. We are talking about the man who sent to you his own son to have him blinded grandfather."

"That is irrelevant. Adrienne had to submit to the needs of the state. As had you. One day you may become basileus, after your father. Acting like this does not make you look fit for the role."

"Seen as a matter of policy, alienating Serbia may be bad but alienating the Vatatzes brothers is likely worse. What Milutin is going to do invade Macedonia? He has done this before. The brothers have a large fleet, last year they crushed the Sicilians at Syracuse. And they have a claim to the purple. Even today if they made a play for Constantinople the peasantry in the Asiatic provinces would rise behind them. And we have no fleet to challenge them if they do. How we'll stop them? Give even more concessions to Genoa to defend us?"

The elder Andronikos had to admit to himself his grandson, idiot or not had a point. The empire had been caught in a bind here. But this did not mean anyone could flaunt his authority as the younger Andronikos and Theodore had done here.

"You are banished from the court and this city young man. Just because you are my grandson, you will be made governor of the city of Adrianople. But you are not allowed to return to Constantinople unless I summon you first."

Skopje, kingdom of Serbia, July 10th, 1317

"I don't care about my father in law's excuses. I have been gravely insulted. He will send to me his faithless daughter, or I'm going to come and avenge myself in person tell him. And he better not waste any time. My tolerance is already exhausted."

Enna, Sicily, August 15th, 1317

It had been a good year so far for Ioannis Vatatzes, despot of Sicily. His army was making steady progress, reducing one by one enemy strongholds in Val Demone. Out in the west Robert had landed in force seized Trapani and was advancing inland keeping Frederick tied down. At sea his fleet was virtually uncontested in raiding Frederick's coasts. Thus the news of his younger brother eloping with Adrianne had found him in good mood. It was quite the scandal admittedly but he wasn't going to quarrel with Theodore over Adrianne. By all accounts the girl was beautiful, of good character and horribly maltreated at the hands of Milutin. He could see how Theodore had fallen for her. Besides neither Andronikos nor Milutin could really do much to threaten the despotate. His own bond to Theodore mattered more than what minor inconvenience Andronikos might manage to cause.

Piraeus, September 1st, 1317

The scratch fleet the Catalans had assembled, had had a field day the previous year with the Despotate's fleet away. But this year was different. Theodore's fleet was back and had chased the Catalans back to the ports of Attica. With the Catalans now in Porto Leone Theodore had just barged in, Piraeous was little more than a village with no fortifications, into the port seizing or burning every ship. Catalan troops from Athens would push his marines which had landed and tried to fortify the hill of Kastella out but Alfonso's naval ambitions would need years to recover.

Palermo, November 20th, 1317

Frederick signed a new truce with Robert to last till Christmas day 1320. But the price to be paid was steep as the Angevins would retain control of Trapani and the castles they had conquered in exchange for peace...

Patras, December 20th, 1317

Finding Theodore Doukas Lascaris after his return had proven frustratingly difficult, As soon as Adrianne had been safely in Patras he had joined his men on campaign against the Catalans, a convenient excuse to ignore or avoid the increasingly frantic stream of letters and envoys coming from Constantinople with demands to return Adrianne. The single Serb embassy demanding the same on pain of war, had been flatly told that Milutin could come and take her and no second embassy had come. But his uncle muses Andronikos Asen, epitropos of the Morea was too persistent or perhaps too fearful of Milutin to stop trying. Thus he had ordered the epitropos to come meet Theodore in person. Futile Andronikos thought

"I have orders to retrieve Adrianne by any means necessary." He simply noted to Theodore.

"I understand."

"But you'll refuse."

Theodore just smiled...